Wednesday, February 29, 2012

Miriam : I spit on the face of Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban and his cohorts in the Supreme Court - A.C. No. 7399

A.C. No. 7399

"x x x.

In his sworn letter/complaint dated December 22, 2006, with enclosures, Antero J. Pobre invites the Court’s attention to the following excerpts of Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago’s speech delivered on the Senate floor:

x x x I am not angry. I am irate. I am foaming in the mouth. I am homicidal. I am suicidal. I am humiliated, debased, degraded. And I am not only that, I feel like throwing up to be living my middle years in a country of this nature. I am nauseated. I spit on the face of Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban and his cohorts in the Supreme Court, I am no longer interested in the position [of Chief Justice] if I was to be surrounded by idiots. I would rather be in another environment but not in the Supreme Court of idiots x x x.

To Pobre, the foregoing statements reflected a total disrespect on the part of the speaker towards then Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban and the other members of the Court and constituted direct contempt of court. Accordingly, Pobre asks that disbarment proceedings or other disciplinary actions be taken against the lady senator.


x x x.


A careful re-reading of her utterances would readily show that her statements were expressions of personal anger and frustration at not being considered for the post of Chief Justice. In a sense, therefore, her remarks were outside the pale of her official parliamentary functions. Even parliamentary immunity must not be allowed to be used as a vehicle to ridicule, demean, and destroy the reputation of the Court and its magistrates, nor as armor for personal wrath and disgust. Authorities are agreed that parliamentary immunity is not an individual privilege accorded the individual members of the Parliament or Congress for their personal benefit, but rather a privilege for the benefit of the people and the institution that represents them.

To be sure, Senator Santiago could have given vent to her anger without indulging in insulting rhetoric and offensive personalities.

Lest it be overlooked, Senator Santiago’s outburst was directly traceable to what she considered as an "unjust act" the JBC had taken in connection with her application for the position of Chief Justice. But while the JBC functions under the Court’s supervision, its individual members, save perhaps for the Chief Justice who sits as the JBC’s ex-officio chairperson,8 have no official duty to nominate candidates for appointment to the position of Chief Justice. The Court is, thus, at a loss to understand Senator Santiago’s wholesale and indiscriminate assault on the members of the Court and her choice of critical and defamatory words against all of them.

At any event, equally important as the speech and debate clause of Art. VI, Sec. 11 of the Constitution is Sec. 5(5) of Art. VIII of the Constitution that provides:

Section 5. The Supreme Court shall have the following powers:

x x x x

(5) Promulgate rules concerning the protection and enforcement of constitutional rights, pleading, practice, and procedure in all courts, the admission to the practice of the law, the Integrated Bar, and legal assistance to the underprivileged. (Emphasis ours.)

The Court, besides being authorized to promulgate rules concerning pleading, practice, and procedure in all courts, exercises specific authority to promulgate rules governing the Integrated Bar with the end in view that the integration of the Bar will, among other things:

(4) Shield the judiciary, which traditionally cannot defend itself except within its own forum, from the assaults that politics and self interest may level at it, and assist it to maintain its integrity, impartiality and independence;

x x x x

(11) Enforce rigid ethical standards x x x.9


x x x.


The lady senator belongs to the legal profession bound by the exacting injunction of a strict Code. Society has entrusted that profession with the administration of the law and dispensation of justice. Generally speaking, a lawyer holding a government office may not be disciplined as a member of the Bar for misconduct committed while in the discharge of official duties, unless said misconduct also constitutes a violation of his/her oath as a lawyer.14

Lawyers may be disciplined even for any conduct committed in their private capacity, as long as their misconduct reflects their want of probity or good demeanor,15 a good character being an essential qualification for the admission to the practice of law and for continuance of such privilege. When the Code of Professional Responsibility or the Rules of Court speaks of "conduct" or "misconduct," the reference is not confined to one’s behavior exhibited in connection with the performance of lawyers’ professional duties, but also covers any misconduct, which––albeit unrelated to the actual practice of their profession––would show them to be unfit for the office and unworthy of the privileges which their license and the law invest in them.16

This Court, in its unceasing quest to promote the people’s faith in courts and trust in the rule of law, has consistently exercised its disciplinary authority on lawyers who, for malevolent purpose or personal malice, attempt to obstruct the orderly administration of justice, trifle with the integrity of courts, and embarrass or, worse, malign the men and women who compose them. We have done it in the case of former Senator Vicente Sotto in Sotto, in the case of Atty. Noel Sorreda in Sorreda, and in the case of Atty. Francisco B. Cruz in Tacordan v. Ang17 who repeatedly insulted and threatened the Court in a most insolent manner.

The Court is not hesitant to impose some form of disciplinary sanctions on Senator/Atty. Santiago for what otherwise would have constituted an act of utter disrespect on her part towards the Court and its members. The factual and legal circumstances of this case, however, deter the Court from doing so, even without any sign of remorse from her. Basic constitutional consideration dictates this kind of disposition.

We, however, would be remiss in our duty if we let the Senator’s offensive and disrespectful language that definitely tended to denigrate the institution pass by. It is imperative on our part to re-instill in Senator/Atty. Santiago her duty to respect courts of justice, especially this Tribunal, and remind her anew that the parliamentary non-accountability thus granted to members of Congress is not to protect them against prosecutions for their own benefit, but to enable them, as the people’s representatives, to perform the functions of their office without fear of being made responsible before the courts or other forums outside the congressional hall.18 It is intended to protect members of Congress against government pressure and intimidation aimed at influencing the decision-making prerogatives of Congress and its members.

The Rules of the Senate itself contains a provision on Unparliamentary Acts and Language that enjoins a Senator from using, under any circumstance, "offensive or improper language against another Senator or against any public institution."19 But as to Senator Santiago’s unparliamentary remarks, the Senate President had not apparently called her to order, let alone referred the matter to the Senate Ethics Committee for appropriate disciplinary action, as the Rules dictates under such circumstance.20 The lady senator clearly violated the rules of her own chamber. It is unfortunate that her peers bent backwards and avoided imposing their own rules on her.


x x x."


Sunday, February 26, 2012

California Asks Judges: Gay or Straight? | The Weekly Standard

California Asks Judges: Gay or Straight? | The Weekly Standard

"x x x.

In order to make sure gays and lesbians are adequately represented on the judicial bench, the state of California is requiring all judges and justices to reveal their sexual orientation. The announcement was made in an internal memo sent to all California judges and justices.

California

“[The Administrative Office of the Courts] is contacting all judges and justices to gather data on race/ethnicity, gender identification, and sexual orientation,” reads an email sent by Romunda Price of the Administrative Office of the Courts. A copy of Price’s memo was obtained by THE WEEKLY STANDARD.

“Providing complete and accurate aggregate demographic data is crucial to garnering continuing legislative support for securing critically needed judgeships,” Price writes.

The process of self-revealing one’s sexual orientation is an element of a now yearly process. “To ensure that the AOC reports accurate data and to avoid the need to ask all judges to provide this information on an annual basis, the questionnaire asks that names be provided. The AOC, however, will release only aggregate statistical information, by jurisdiction, as required by the Government Code and will not identify any specific justice or judge.”

Philip R. Carrizosa of the executive office of communications at the Judicial Council of California, the Administrative Office of the Courts, confirmed the authenticity of Price’s email regarding gender identification and sexual orientation to THE WEEKLY STANDARD.


x x x."


The Best Damned Fee Agreement You Ever Wrote!

The Best Damned Fee Agreement You Ever Wrote!

"x x x.

Scope of Work

The Scope of Work section of any fee agreement is crucial. It outlines the initial proposed work the firm will do and the fee it will charge for that work. Mine also includes any additional recommended work that we may have discussed but which is NOT included in the original Scope of Work. This helps avoid confusion as to what is and is not included in the fee, and it prevents “scope creep.” Scope creep is what happens when a project starts getting incrementally bigger as the needs of the client expand during the course of work. Inevitably, unless you provide a detailed Scope of Work making it clear otherwise, the client expects to get that “extra” work for free as they will assume it is included in the Scope of Work. Also, be as clear as possible about what you will charge for the work. If you are charging a flat fee plus costs, enumerate the costs so your client knows what is expected. If you are billing by the hour, say so clearly in your Scope of Work. If you are billing on contingency, make that crystal clear, twice.

One more note about the Scope of Work: you should be able to append additional scopes of work to the agreement and the agreement will remain binding as amended by such scopes of work. That way, one agreement is all you ever need with that client, even if you raise your fees later on.

Other sections correspond to one of two categories of things you should address in your fee agreement: things that you ought to always have in a contract; and things you should put in your contract because of bar and/or court rules.

The things you should have in every contract you draft, and therefore also belong in your fee agreement, include:

  • choice of law, jurisdiction and venue in case of litigation;
  • a mediation or arbitration requirement (as appropriate);
  • a merger clause that makes it clear that this is your entire agreement and supersedes any prior agreement;
  • a termination clause stating that the client may terminate you at any time, and under what circumstances you may terminate the client; and
  • a statement that the agreement may only be amended in writing signed by the parties.

The things you should have because your state bar association requires it will vary, but I have the following:

  • a statement regarding client confidentiality and a separate statement regarding the unconfidential nature of certain electronic communication;
  • a statement regarding handling of amounts placed into my IOLTA account for safekeeping;
  • a statement that a conflict check was performed and the results thereof;
  • a statement that the client is responsible for costs and fees; and
  • a statement regarding the firm’s billing practices.

Each statement is brief, but I try to address every concern raised by those eighteen rules regarding the Client-Lawyer Relationship!

In the event that you perform work on a contingency fee basis, be sure to double check your bar association rules. In Florida, for example, we have a statutorily-required statement that we must attach to contingency fee agreements (which MUST be in writing) that outlines the client’s rights.

Additionally, at least here in Florida, when a litigation matter concludes, whether by settlement or through judicial process, you and the client (and any referring counsel with whom you have a formal fee-splitting arrangement) must sign a Closing Statement that shows a breakdown of all the moneys paid, attorney’s fees and costs before you disburse any funds. That is probably worth mentioning in your fee agreement.

Again, this has been an on-going process tweaked for my practice needs, tailored to my clients and for compliance with the rules of my jurisdiction.

The key point is: all fee agreements need to be reviewed on an on-going basis. Don’t just assume because someone else has used theirs for years without incident that it will work for you, your clients or your jurisdiction.


x x x."

Marriage equality and the civil rights inheritance | Gary Younge | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Marriage equality and the civil rights inheritance | Gary Younge | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Sooner or later, the Philippine Supreme Court will face the issue of the constitutionality of same-sex marriage, divorce, domestic partnership, and the like, as what's happening in various US states and in Europe now. Slow though it may be, the move in Congress to adopt a domestic partnership law, a same-sex marriage law, a divorce law, and similar laws which the Catholic Church abhors, is beginning to swell. It may take another generation in the Philippines, but the trend is unstoppable.

"x x x.

In the small hours of 11 July 1958, three policemen entered the home of Mildred and Richard Loving, in Central Point, Virginia and found them in bed. When Richard pointed to his marriage certificate indicating that Mildred was his wife, they arrested them. Richard was white; Mildred was black and Cherokee. They were breaking the law, as laid down in Virginia's Racial Integrity Act, which banned mixed-race marriage.

The case eventually went to the US supreme court, which, in 1967, ruled in favour of the Lovings:

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man', fundamental to our very existence and survival. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual and cannot be infringed by the State."

So, six years after Barack Obama was born in Hawaii to a white woman from Kansas and a black man from Kenya, mixed-race marriage was formally recognised as a civil right nationwide. (Some states kept their laws on the books, even if they were unenforceable. Alabama was the last to get rid of its anti-miscegenation law in 2000.) Said Mildred, many years later:

"Not a day goes by that I don't think of Richard and our love, our right to marry, and how much it meant to me to have that freedom to marry the person precious to me. Even if others thought he was the 'wrong kind of person' for me to marry."

Recently, a report by the Pew Research Center revealed that more than one in seven new marriages in the US is between people of a different race or ethnicity. The research revealed mixed-marriages now comprise 8.4% of all marriages in the US in 2010, more than double the proportion of 1980.

"Races do not intermarry," Martin Luther King once wrote. "Humans intermarry." But humans are not abstractions. We are moulded by the world we live in. It would be comforting, particularly in the west, to think that our romantic partners are chosen purely through desire and attraction. But it would also be deluded. The fault lines that shape of race, religion, age, ethnicity, nationality and so on that influence our lives in so many ways inevitably creep in to the most intimate settings. It would be strange if they didn't.

This is not some avant-garde leftist notion. From Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet to Vikram Seth's A Suitable Boy, the notion that love does, indeed, know boundaries, even if it can, at times, overcome them, has been a literary staple through the ages. "It is a truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must be in want of a wife," says the narrator in the first line of Jane Austen's Pride and Prejudice. In Britain, it is still the case that no royal may ascend to the throne if they have married a Catholic (albeit this law is in the process of reform).

As recently as 1986, the issue of intermarriage was contentious: 28% of Americans said people of different races marrying each other was not acceptable for anyone, while 37% said this may be acceptable for others, but not for themselves, leaving just (33%) who believed intermarriage was acceptable for everyone. But as those born before the civil rights era died off, those raised without the dead weight of segregation on their imagination opened their minds. Today, 11% (still shockingly high, even if greatly reduced) believe society is worse-off because of increased intermarriage. Among the under 30s, it's just 5%.

These shifts were not a result of the innate liberal genius of the young or the inevitable influence of time and tide. It was politics. Had there been no civil rights struggle, no pressure on courts and the polity, these changes would not have happened as they did. "Men make their own history," wrote Karl Marx, in the 18th Brumaire of Napoleon Bonaparte:

"But they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under given circumstances directly encountered and inherited from the past."

A very similar process that is gradually rendering interracial marriage a banal fact of life is taking place with regard to same-sex marriage. Today,more Americans support gay marriage than don't, with the number backing it increasing by roughly 2% every year since the 1990s. Now, gay marriage is legal in seven states and the District of Columbia, covering more than 13% of the population. Maryland may soon follow, and if California's courts definitively overturn the 2008 referendum banning it , the right will be available to more than one in four Americans. Clearly, it's a right whose time has come, albeit long overdue.

To compare these two struggles is not to equate them. To say homophobia and racism are the same would be ridiculous. As Quentin Crisp once said:

"The difference between being gay and being black is that you don't have to come downstairs one day and say, 'Mum, Dad, I'm black.'"

It goes without saying that there are major differences between race and sexual orientation. It also goes without saying that the existence of many black lesbians and gays makes the binary opposition of the two issues redundant. The problem with Crisp's joke is that it contains the implication you can't be both at the same time.

None the less, to ignore the parallels between how the two issues have played out would be no less ridiculous. Three areas, in particular, stand out for comparison.

First, is the use of God and tradition to defend exclusivity and, therefore, exclusion. When the Lovings plead guilty in a Virginia Court in 1959, the trial judge, Leon Bazile, gave them a 25-year sentence – suspended, so long as they left the state – with the argument: "Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, Malay and red," as a Virginia judge wrote in 1965, when he upheld the state's so-called Racial Integrity Act:

"And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix."

At the US supreme court, the state of Virginia compared interracial marriage with polygamy and incest – just as Republican hopeful Rick Santorum has done regarding same-sex marriage.

In 1971, when a American Civil Liberties Union lawyer argued the case for a gay couple's right to be married before the Minnesota supreme court, one judge turned his chair around and refused to look at him. The court rejected the case unanimously, citing the book of Genesis to support its decision. Religion is still the principal argument against gay marriage, and religious people are still those most likely to oppose it. Another Pew survey shows three in four white evangelicals are opposed to gay marriage (it's the only religious demographic where support for gay marriage did not increase between 2010 and 2011); that's roughly the same proportion as those who support gay marriage who are religiously unaffiliated.

Second, the campaigns to prevent these marriages are often rooted in repression and personal hypocrisy for crude electoral gain. During the Jim Crow era in the South, the issue was not whether black and white people could mix, in bed or elsewhere, but on what basis. White men slept with black women all the time, often by force. Strom Thurmond, who ran for the presidency in 1948 as a segregationist, fathered a black daughter in 1924. In the fifties, while he was Alabama governor, Jim Folsom highlighted the hypocrisy when campaigning in the "black belt" between Montgomery and Selma, where opposition to integration was strongest, pointing out that the large number of mixed-race people in the area didn't come from nowhere. "I want you to know that the sun didn't bleach 'em."

In a later gubernatorial campaign, he asked why white people were getting so worked up about the sacredness of segregation, when it looked to him as though there was "a whole lot of integratin' goin' on at night."

In a similar vein, Ken Mehlman, the head of the Republican National Committee in 2004, who helped put gay marriage bans on the ballot to rally the party's base in a presidential year, came out himself as gay in 2010. Ted Haggard, the Denver preacher who railed against gay marriage and "lifestyle" turned out to be visiting a gay prostitute on the side.

Finally, some of the same arguments, and even same statutes that were used during Jim Crow, are being used today to prevent gay marriage. In 1913, when Massachusetts was one of just a few states allowing interracial marriage, the state passed a law to prevent clerks from issuing marriage licenses to couples whose unions would not be legal in their home states. After the Massachusetts supreme court allowed gay marriage in 2004, the governor tried to resurrect that law, in order to stop gay couples coming from all over the country to get married there. His name? Mitt Romney. In order to kick the issue into touch, some Democrats – including, to his shame, President Obama – have refused to acknowledge gay marriage as a universal matter of equality; instead, saying it is an issue for each individual state. That is exactly the same argument that those supporting the slave trade made before the civil war.

Doubtless, there are some who will still deny the connection. But Mildred was not one of them. In 2007, 32 years after Richard's death, Mildred (who herself died the next year) released a statement in support of same-sex marriage.

"I believe all Americans, no matter their race, no matter their sex, no matter their sexual orientation, should have that same freedom to marry. I am still not a political person, but I am proud that Richard's and my name is on a court case that can help reinforce the love, the commitment, the fairness, and the family that so many people, black or white, young or old, gay or straight seek in life. I support the freedom to marry for all. That's what Loving, and loving, are all about."


x x x."

Supreme Court to Rule Whether Corporations Can be Sued in U.S. Courts for Human-Rights Abuses Abroad - FindLaw

Supreme Court to Rule Whether Corporations Can be Sued in U.S. Courts for Human-Rights Abuses Abroad - FindLaw

It'll be good for the Philippines and for human rights, in general, to follow the US model which allows the commencement of civil and criminal suits versus US citizens, non-citizen residents and US-registered corporations and business enterprises involved in or linked to tortures and other human rights violations even if committed in foreign countries.


"x x x.

The U.S. Supreme Court announced on Oct. 17, 2011, that it would hear a case that could decide the question of whether corporations can be held accountable for human rights abuses committed with their assistance in foreign countries.

The case-- Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum NV 1--will allow the Court to address the 222-year old Alien Tort Statute (ATS),2 a law passed by the very first U.S. Congress in 1789, but one that has received scant attention from the Supreme Court until recently. The ATS allows foreign citizens to file lawsuits against any entity under U.S. governance--citizens, non-citizen residents, corporations--for alleged violations of international law, including human rights abuses, even if those abuses did not occur on U.S. soil.

In addition to Kiobel, the Court agreed to hear a second case-- Mohamad v. Rajoun 3--concerning the Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA)4, and whether organizations or corporations can be held liable under the TVPA. The cases are likely to be heard in tandem.

While the question of whether corporations can be held liable under the ATS or the TVPA has been the subject of legal debate, some corporations--including Exxon Mobil Corp., Chevron Corp., Yahoo! Inc., Bridgestone Corp., and Coca-Cola Co.--have all been sued under the ATS to varying degrees of success.

Unlike any current ATS cases still winding their way through the federal court system, several lawyers noted that it's unlikely that any dismissed ATS cases--even if they were dismissed for lack of jurisdiction reasons--would be re-filed if indeed the Supreme Court allows for corporate liability under the ATS.

The Supreme Court will begin hearing oral arguments in Kiobel and Mohamad early in 2012, with a decision expected by the end of June.

History of the ATS

The ATS was part of the Judiciary Act of 1789, and was intended to assure foreign governments that the fledgling United States would act to prevent violations of customary international law and offer remedy to those wronged. Though little of the legislative history of the creation of the ATS has survived, it has been surmised by legal scholars that it was enacted in response to several international incidents in which foreign citizens living in the U.S. had no legal remedy for acts committed against them.

Most famous of these incidents was the assault of French diplomat François Barbé-Marbois5 in 1784. Barbé-Marbois learned he had no legal standing in the U.S., prompting Congress to request that individual states allow for lawsuits brought by foreign citizens claiming violation of international law. However, after only a few states enacted such a provision, Congress created the ATS.

Despite its potentially weighty matter, the ATS gathered dust for almost two centuries, being cited and used only in the rarest of instances. In 1980, all that changed when the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit decided Filartiga v. Pena-Irala 6 and revolutionized how the ATS would be used and by whom. Human rights advocates, victims of torture under foreign dictatorships, foreign citizens claiming abuse overseen or directed by U.S. corporations all became the new face of ATS plaintiffs. Since 1980, dozens of ATS claims have been brought, although many of them have been dismissed by the courts. To date, there have been only two successful ATS claims against a corporation--one by jury verdict and one entered by default--according to a legal database that tracks such cases.

In Filartiga, two Paraguayan citizens living in the U.S. brought a lawsuit against another U.S. resident, a Paraguyan former police chief. The plaintiffs alleged that the former police chief had tortured and murdered a member of their family, and they claimed that under the ATS U.S. federal courts had jurisdiction over their suit. Although the district court dismissed the case, citing lack of jurisdiction, the Second Circuit reversed that decision, citing that U.S. courts were indeed a proper venue for ATS cases. Perhaps sensing the can of worms the ruling might open, one Second Circuit judge urged that the Filartigaruling "should not be misread or exaggerated to support sweeping assertions" that any violation of international human rights is automatically under the umbrella of the ATS.

To date, the Supreme Court has heard only one case that directly addressed the ATS. In 2004, the Court ruled in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 7 a case in which the plaintiff, Humberto Alvarez-Machain, had been indicted for the murder of U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency officer and was kidnapped in Mexico by agents working for the U.S. government and brought to the U.S. for trial. Alvarez-Machain sued under the ATS, claiming his abduction was illegal under international law, and the Ninth Circuit Court agreed.

The Supreme Court did not, however, and reversed the Ninth Circuit's ruling, holding that Alvarez-Machain's abduction and detention had not been a violation of international law under the ATS. The Court then used Sosa to establish some ground rules for ATS claims. The Court held that Sosa did not establish a cause of action under the ATS, meaning that federal courts are not required to recognize any stated claimthat infringes on any international law or any treaty; rather, the Court stated that ATS claims could only be made on what it called "a modest set of actions alleging violations of the law of nations".

Despite the ground rules set by the Supreme Court, human rights activists continued to bring ATS cases on behalf of victims, citing abuses by corporations or foreign individuals and seeking relief.

Recent Key Cases under the ATS

In addition to Sosa and Filartiga, there have been several other ATS cases that have helped define and refine the statute. These include:

Presbyterian Church of Sudan v. Talisman Energy, Inc.

In October 2009, the Second Circuit Court established in Presbyterian Church of Sudan v. Talisman Energy, Inc., 8 that the standard for establishing liability (corporate or otherwise) for aiding and abetting under the Alien Tort Statute must include "purpose rather than knowledge alone." Some ATS legal scholars saw this as a big blow to activists who they claimed were using the statute to enforce international human rights law, mostly upon corporations they viewed as working in concert with repressive governments to violate human rights. With the standard now established in Presbyterian Church that plaintiffs had to demonstrate that defendants were not just aware of the violations, but indeed had acted to aid them with the purpose of committing those violations, human rights activists definitely had a more difficult hurdle to clear.

In the Presbyterian Church case, Talisman Energy of Canada was accused of aiding the government of the Sudan with the forced and brutal removal of Sudanese citizens living near Talisman oil facilities. In dismissing the ATS claims, the Second Circuit stated that plaintiffs had failed to establish the company's "purposeful complicity in human rights abuses."

Those critical of the use of the ATS for human rights abuse litigation praised the ruling. The Washington Legal Foundation stated: "The decision could derail many other ATS suits against multinational corporations, including one highly publicized ATS suit against numerous companies that did business with apartheid South Africa."

While the Second Circuit established the purposeful standard, other circuit courts, notably the Ninth and 11th Circuits, have disagreed.

Chowdhury v. Worldtel Bangladesh Holding

Chowdhury v. Worldtel Bangladesh Holding Ltd. 9 is one of the few identified ATS cases against a corporation that has been successfully brought to trial and won by the plaintiff.

In Chowdhury, the plaintiff--Nayeem M. Chowdhury, a Bangladeshi businessman--sued under the ATS, claiming defendants Wordtel, a landline telephone provider, and its CEO, a U.S. citizen named Amjad H. Khan, had hired Bangladeshi paramilitary police to arrest and torture him. When the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York dismissed the claim in 2008, citing failure to establish liability of aiding and abetting, the plaintiff then amended his complaint to claim that the Bangladeshi police were hired by the defendants and in fact were acting as the defendants' agents in their actions. Plaintiff also claimed the defendants ratified the illegal actions by orchestrating them and benefitting by them.

Under the new "agency and ratification" argument, the case was tried in 2009 with the jury finding for the plaintiff. The jury verdict showed that even the tougher standards set by the Second Circuit in ATS cases could be circumvented by unique arguments tailored to the circumstances of each individual case.

SINALTRAINAL v. Coca-Cola Co.

SINALTRAINAL v. Coca-Cola Co. 10 was brought in 2001 on behalf of SINALTRAINAL--the major union representing Coca-Cola bottling plant workers in Colombia--and included as plaintiffs the families of two murdered union officers, Isidro Gil and Adolfo de Jesus Munera.

The SINALTRAINAL lawsuit charged Coca-Cola bottlers in Colombia with the systematic intimidation, kidnapping, torture and murder of union leaders in efforts to crush their union. Plaintiffs claimed that seven union leaders and a friendly plant manager who was also a member of the union were murdered between 1990 and 2002. The lawsuit charged that Coca-Cola bottlers in Colombia "contracted with or otherwise directed paramilitary security forces that utilized extreme violence and murdered, tortured, unlawfully detained or otherwise silence trade union leaders."

A Florida district court dismissed SINALTRAINAL in 2006, citing that U.S. federal courts had no jurisdiction under ATS in this case. In 2009, the 11th Circuit Court upheld the dismissal, also citing lack of jurisdiction. But what made SINALTRAINAL notable was that the 11th Circuit added a twist to its ruling, citing a recently decided Supreme Court case, Ashcroft v. Iqbal. 11 Under Iqbal, decided in May 2009, the Supreme Court invoked a greatly heightened standard of pleading, requiring that plaintiffs' claims must have "facial plausibility" to survive dismissal. The Court explained in its Iqbal ruling that claims have facial plausibility when the facts as stated allow courts "to draw the reasonable inference that the defendant is liable". Obviously, such a definition--ripe with subjective terms like "reasonable inference"--has given great leeway to courts to dismiss plaintiffs' claims on their face and often, very early on in the proceedings.

Given that Iqbal hurdle and the problem of establishing proof of direct corporate involvement, it would not be possible to re-file the SINALTRAINAL case even if the Supreme Court finds in Kiobel that corporations are liable under the ATS, said Dan Kovalik, senior counsel for the United Steelworkers and one of the plaintiff attorneys on SINALTRAINAL. "The Coca-Cola case was lost chiefly because the court found that, even if our allegations were taken as true, the defendants could not be tied closely enough to the human rights abuses alleged to hold them liable," Kovalik said. "Of course, we disagree with this, but the Supreme Court's decision in Kiobel would not change this outcome."

The Supreme Court and the Kiobel Case

Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum --the case now before the Supreme Court--involves a lawsuit against the Shell Oil co., the U.S. subsidiary of Royal Dutch Petroleum, that was brought under the ATS by a group of Nigerian citizens who claimed the oil company was complicit in massive human-rights abuses in the early- and mid-1990s. The plaintiffs allege that Shell Oil subsidiaries enlisted the help of the repressive Nigerian government to shut down opposition to oil exploration in the region. The situation received worldwide attention in 1995 when several activists and a well-known Nigerian author were executed by the Nigerian government after hastily-run military trials.

The Kiobel case was heard by a federal district court in 2006, which dismissed many of the plaintiffs' claims, refused to dismiss others, and turned the whole case over to the Second Circuit because of the seriousness of the charges.

In September 2010, the Second Circuit tossed out the Kiobel lawsuit, ruling that corporations can't be sued under the ATS, and refusing to recognize corporate liability for international crimes. In reaching its decision, the Second Circuit cited the previous 30 years of both Supreme Court and Second Circuit precedential rulings, stating that under those rulings, "corporate liability is not a discernible--much less a universally recognized--norm of customary international law."

The Second Circuit's dismissal of Kiobel under the principle that corporations face no liability under the ATS points up a sharp split among several Circuit Courts of Appeal.

That point was driven home on Oct. 28, when the Ninth Circuit ruled in Sarei v. Rio Tinto PLC 12 that corporations could be held liable under the ATS for international law violations such as genocide and war crimes. The Ninth Circuit Court also clarified a point raised in Sosa that legal relief may depend on the plaintiffs first exhausting all possible local remedies.

In Sarei, which has been in the court system for more than a decade, plaintiffs--residents of Papau New Guinea (PNG)--brought claims against mining group Rio Tinto alleging the company was involved in the PNG government's brutal treatment of residents living near or working in the mines. Often, plaintiffs claim, the government police used Rio Tinto company vehicles and helicopters in their actions.

In addition to the Ninth Circuit Court's ruling in Sarei, the liability of corporations under the ATS was upheld twice this year, by the Seventh Circuit Court in Flomo v. Firestone Nat. Rubber Co., LLC ;13 and then by the D.C. Circuit Court in Doe VIII v. Exxon Mobil Corp. 14

Seeming to draw a line in the sand with the Second Circuit Court, the D.C. Circuit Court wrote in its Doeruling that "neither the text, history, nor purpose of the ATS supports corporate immunity for torts based on heinous conduct allegedly committed by its agents in violation of the law of nations."

Given this split, it's little surprise that the Supreme Court had to weigh in on whether corporations face liability under the ATS.

What Could the Court Decide on Corporate Liability?

When the Supreme Court decided its only previous ATS case in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain in 2004, it held that ATS claims in Sosa were made between individual people, and not entities such as corporations. (Mohamad also concerns whether language in the TVPA such as "individual" refers to corporations and other entities in addition to individual people.) It was this language that has greatly added to the split among the circuit courts.

Indeed, many in the legal community have been carefully watching to see if the Supreme Court would eventually address the corporate liability question in the ATS, said Paul Wolfson, a partner in the Litigation department of Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP. "Many legal professionals have been asking the Court to decide this issue for quite a while," Wolfson said. "But it's difficult to predict at this point what the Court could decide."

One strategy that is being suggested by the Plaintiffs' Bar is having plaintiffs bring suit against individual corporate executives, like CEOs, rather than the corporate entity itself, something the Second Circuit mentioned in its Kiobel ruling, saying that suing CEOs is directly allowed under the ATS.

Other legal observers note that the key to what the Supreme Court could do in Kiobel / Mohamad may have its roots in the Court's 2010 ruling in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission 15 that corporations and other entities had First Amendment rights in regards to political speech. Some observers contend the Supreme Court may not be able to walk back the Citizens United precedent, which invariably but not fully accurately became short-hand for "corporations are people".

Indeed, on its face, a Supreme Court decision in Kiobel / Mohamad that completely negates any corporate liability in the ATS could create an impression that under this Supreme Court, corporations may have rights, but little liability or responsibility.

Despite the uncertainty over what the Supreme Court could do in Kiobel / Mohamad, and even given the circuit-split and the confusion over corporate liability in the ATS/TVPA realm, the small but steady flow of such cases has not slowed over the years, Wolfson added. "A lot of cases have been brought already," he noted. "Plaintiffs keep bringing cases, assuming that the Supreme Court would sort it out at some point."

By the middle of next year, it's likely both sides of the debate will have the Supreme Court's answer to their request.

Gregg Wirth is the Managing Editor of Wall Street Lawyer. Mr. Wirth is an award-winning investigative journalist with more than a decade of experience covering Wall Street, the economy, politics, crime and culture. Contact: Gregg@gwirth.com.

End Notes

1. Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum, 621 F.3d 111 (2d Cir. 2010).
2. The Alien Tort Statute, 28 U.S.C. section 1350.
3. Mohamad v. Rajoun, No. 09-7109 (D.C. Cir. 2011).
4. The Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991 (TVPA), Pub. L. No. 102-256, 106 Stat. 73. 5. Francois Barbe-Marbois was a French politician, perhaps best known for negotiating the Louisiana Purchase as Minister of Finance under Napoleon. Barbe-Marbois also had a long diplomatic career in America, serving as secretary of the French legation to the newly-formed United States. In 1784, Barbe-Marbois was allegedly assaulted in Philadelphia by a French military officer named Charles Julian de Longchamps. A public controversy arose because Longchamps was married to an American, and claimed to have taken an American oath of citizenship. Debate ensued over whether Longchamps was to be tried in Pennsylvania or in France, but because the U.S. at that time had no legal recourse for foreign citizens, Longchamps was eventually tried and sentenced in Pennsylvania courts.
6. Filartiga v. Peña-Irala, 630 F.2d 876 (2d Cir. 1980).
7. Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, 542 U.S. 692 (2004).
8. Presbyterian Church of Sudan v. Talisman Energy, Inc., 07-0016-cv (2d Cir. 2009).
9. Chowdhury v. Worldtel Bangladesh Holding Ltd., 588 F. Supp. 2d 375 (E.D.N.Y. 2008).
10. Sinaltrainal v. Coca-Cola Co., 578 F.3d 1252 (11th Cir. 2009).
11. Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, 129 S.Ct. 1937 (2009).
12. Sarei v. Rio Tinto PLC, 02-cv-56256; 02-cv-56390; 09-cv-56381 (9th Cir. Oct. 25, 2011).
13. Flomo v. Firestone Nat. Rubber Co., LLC, 643 F.3d 1013 (7th Cir 2011).
14. John Doe VIII v. Exxon Mobil Corp., 658 F. Supp. 2d 131 (D.C. Cir 2011).
15. Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, No. 08-205 (2010).


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