Saturday, August 31, 2013

Who's new head? Sandiganbayan justices restless

see - Who's new head? Sandiganbayan justices restless


"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines – While public expectations are high that the investigation into the multi-billion-peso pork barrel scam will lead to the prosecution of officials, the court that will hear the cases is mired in politics.
In an interview with Rappler, Sandiganbayan justices expressed concern over reports that President Benigno Aquino III will likely appoint either a junior justice or an "outsider" as the new presiding justice of the anti-graft court.
The Judicial and Bar Council (JBC) has submitted a shortlist of 5 nominees to the President for the replacement of Presiding Justice Francisco Villaruz, who retired on June 8.
The list includes 3 Sandiganbayan justices and two outsiders: Court of Appeals Justice Apolinario Bruselas Jr and Department of the Interior and Local Government Undersecretary Rafael Santos.
Sandiganbayan justices and at least two Palace insiders told Rappler they believe it's a tossup between Sandiganbayan Justice Amparo Cabotaje-Tang, the most junior Sandiganbayan justice, and Santos.


This is problematic, according to Sandiganbayan justices who spoke on condition of anonymity.
"There could be demoralization," one justice told Rappler. If Santos gets the post, he said it will create a situation where a total outsider gains precedence over all the senior justices. Santos served as a corporate lawyer most of his life, until he joined government for a brief stint as defense undersecretary under the Arroyo government and transporation undersecretary under Aquino.


In Tang’s case, she will bypass senior justices who are equally deserving to be appointed to the highest Sandiganbayan post.
It was Cabotaje-Tang, when she was Assistant Solicitor General, who filed the pleading opposing the maligned plea bargain deal between the Sandiganbayan and former military comptroller Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia. She was appointed to the anti-graft court in June 2012.
Neither of the two scenarios – an outsider and a junior justice being appointed as Presiding Justice – has not happened before. And in an institution where tradition is held in high regard, anything out of the norm is viewed with suspicion.
Insiders are hoping that the President will keep the tradition of respecting seniority “to preserve the peace” in the anti-graft court.
But some of the President's advisers believe that like the Supreme Court, the anti-graft court needs a fresh face. The President made a radical move when he chose the replacement of dismissed Chief Justice Renato Corona in 2012. Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno is not only the first female justice to be named head of the judiciary, she also bypassed senior justices and would be serving for 18 long years.
Given the Sereno appointment, it is not entirely remote to expect the President to make a similar bold move in the Sandiganbayan, according to his advisers.
Arroyo's record
During her presidency, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was largely criticized for her appointees to the judiciary and Office of the Ombudsman. Critics pointed out that many of her appointments – in particular, to the Supreme Court and the Ombudsman’s office – were based on political expediency.
Early on, her choice of Merceditas Gutierrez as Ombudsman caused concern that she was appointed there to protect the interests of the Arroyo family, particularly then First Gentleman Jose Miguel Arroyo, who was being dragged into questionable government deals left and right.

 Gutierrez and Mr Arroyo were classmates at the Ateneo Law School.
Weeks before she stepped down in 2010, Arroyo named her chief of staff when she was Vice President, Renato Corona, as Chief Justice. This robbed Aquino, who was then leading the presidential race, of the opportunity to appoint his own Chief Justice.
In appointing her ally Corona, Arroyo broke tradition, bypassing the most senior magistrate, Antonio Carpio, who was her first appointee to the SC but with whom she had a falling out. Many thought that Corona, whose tenure would have lapsed in 2015, would protect Arroyo after she steps down as president.
President Aquino succeeded in removing Corona in 2012 through an impeachment. But instead of restoring tradition, Aquino appointed Sereno, a junior in the court, and bypassed 4 senior justices who were also nominated by the JBC.
The appointment did not sit well with some of the senior justices. At least one justice, Teresita de Castro, has twice questioned Sereno’s actions, indicating conflict within the High Court.


It is a conflict that could spill over to the anti-graft court.


JBC's surprise choices
One of the Sandiganbayan justices complained that the President has essentially reversed the selection process in the judiciary, with his choice to the Sandiganbayan post apparently predetermined even before the JBC’s screening process.


For instance, one of the senior justices who applied for the vacant Presiding Justice post was informed beforehand that her chances were nil because of a controversial case.
Still, the magistrate applied “because I was hoping for fairness and give the JBC the benefit of the doubt.”


The JBC was created under the 1987 Constitution purportedly to shield the third branch of government from political influence and horse trading.
It prepares and submits a shortlist of nominees to the President (usually 5) following a screening process that involves interviews.


To protect the integrity of the JBC process, the President is limited with his choice on the short list submitted.


Another justice observed that some of the applicants have apparently taken their cue from the President, with the JBC members as willing participants.
The recent result of the voting speak volumes.


In the final JBC list, Interior Undersecretary Santos and Justice Bruselas of the Court of Appeals topped the voting with 6 votes.
The two beat other aspirants to the post from the Sandiganbayan, namely Associate Justice Gregory Ong, who got 4 votes, and justices Amparo Cabotaje-Tang and Efren de la Cruz, who got 5 votes each.


Early on, Santos was a frontrunner in the Presiding Justice race, with Tang, who was appointed by Aquino only last year, as his main rival.


Tang however failed to snag the 6th vote after one JBC member decided to cast his vote with another aspirant.


Belligerent court?
Given the President’s track record and the results of the JBC voting, his choice for Presiding Justice is expected to create ripples in the Sandiganbayan.


Right now, the pressing question is: will the President appoint an outsider to the Sandiganbayan or someone from the ranks but nevertheless a junior justice?

Although the judiciary is supposed to be independent from the executive branch, it is crucial for a President to appoint an ally, especially in the Sandiganbayan where graft cases involving public officials and employees are exclusively tried.
The anti-graft court also handles cases stemming from offenses punishable under the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards, plunder law, and the anti-money laundering law, among others.
A justice explained that while the Presiding Justice is considered only the first among equals, he or she can dictate the agenda of the Sandiganbayan as well the its priorities.
The Presiding Justice also sets the example, provides the compass for other justices to follow, such as setting transparency and accountability, the justice said.
The credibility and integrity of the Sandiganbayan could rise or fall on the Presiding Justice.
Whats’ the worst that can happen? The new Presiding Justice – if it’s Santos or Tang –could be facing an internal revolt every now and then, according to the justices we interviewed.


Under the Sandiganbayan Internal Rules, a majority of 8 associate justices “may call a special session” and disregard the Presiding Justice, one of the justices said.
Thus this majority of 8 could upend the Presiding Justice's decisions and undermine his or her control on the anti-graft court.


Can the President and his Tuwid na Daan campaign afford a belligerent Sandiganbayan? – Rappler.com.
x x x."

Scrapping the pork: Just smoke and mirrors

see - Scrapping the pork: Just smoke and mirrors


"x x x.

BIC: Real game changer
An inescapable conclusion is that the proposed reform of the pork-barrel system is skin-deep. If President Aquino prefers a more serious, broader and long-lasting reform, a real game-changer, he should agree to endorse and work for the approval of the Budget Impoundment Control (BIC) bill. The BIC Act will oblige the President to release the budget in accordance with GAA.
If due to changed economic condition, the President prefers to impound (meaning not release) part of the GAA, then he will required by the BIC law to seek congressional approval. This will revive the congressional power of the purse which is practically non-existent all these years. This will strengthen political institutions. And it will give real meaning to one-fund concept and the checks-and-balance provision enshrined in the 1987 Constitution.
It is reasonable to assume that the Filipino people voted for President Aquino because they want real change, and they want a major break from his corrupt and opaque predecessor. They see in him the possibility of an open and corruption-free administration.
But halfway through his presidency, a rising number of his former supporters has become disappointed and disenchanted.
Doubts about Mr. Aquino’s seriousness about his anti-corruption campaign were first raised when he pussyfooted on the Freedom of Information (FOI) measure. He strongly supported the FOI during the presidential campaign; he avoided it like a plague after he was sworn in as president three years ago. How can one who is committed to an open government be opposed to the FOI act?
With the congressional pork scrapped, there is an increasing pressure for the President to give up his own pork — both those in the budget and off-budget. He should govern by example.
I’m not talking of the Calamity Fund and the Contingent Fund in the national budget. I agree that there are justifications, say need for flexibility, for these funds.
But there are some funds that may be less aggregated, such as the School Building Fund, the e-government Fund, and other lump sums in the budgets of say the Department of Public Works and Highways, the Department of Agriculture, and Department of Interior and Local Government. These maybe considered ‘presidential pork.’
The President's pork
In a sense, one can make a case that the entire President’s budget, especially if Congress approved it with little alterations, is the President’s pork.
Under the present system, which is a carryover of the martial law years, the President can slice and dice the budget, arbitrarily extract ‘savings’ from any or all executive departments, reshape it anyway he wants, and then release the funds in accordance with the altered budget.
Additionally, there are large chunks of "off-budget" funds that the President controls totally since they do not require congressional approval. They are allocated and disbursed by unelected officials. These funds are the Malampaya Fund (more than P100 billion), the PAGCOR Presidential Social Fund (approximately P25 billion annually and rising) and the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office Charity Fund.
The legal bases for the existence and use of these off-budget presidential pork were of martial law vintage.
Assuming that President Aquino has been upright, frugal, and open in the use of these "off-budget" funds, there is no guarantee that those who will succeed him will be equally upright and clean. This justifies the need to institutionalize the integration of these funds into the National Treasury and that their use should undergo the same budgetary review just like any other fund.
Moreover, such move will be consistent with the best practices in the world — the one-fund concept. It is also consistent with the constitutional desire to give Congress the power to authorize the appropriate use of funds, regardless of source, collected by the government.
Some apologists would insist that it is better to trust Mr. Aquino than the members of Congress. But that's a cop-out, and it assumes that Mr. Aquino would be around forever. That’s a big assumption, which is why reforms of the budget process have to be institutionalized while Mr. Aquino is fully in control.
This puts President Aquino III at a crossroads.
He can sit idly by, muddle through, and pass on the corrupt, dysfunctional political system to his successor. Or he can take the bold move: discontinue the pork barrel system and implement the other real budget reforms. For choosing the former, the Filipino people will forever condemn him; for choosing the latter, a grateful people will forever revere him. - Rappler.com
Dr. Diokno is Professor of Economics at the University of the Philippines and former Secretary of Budget and Management.
x x x."

Friday, August 30, 2013

VIP prisoners and de facto caste system in the PH

  • After hearing this afternoon the urgent motion of Napoles to be moved, for security reasons, from Makati city jail either to Camp Crame in EDSA, Quezon City, Camp Bagong Diwa in Bicutan, Taguig, MM, or Camp Sto. Domingo in Sta. Rosa, Laguna, where the jail warden of Makati City and the NCR CIDG director testified that they could not guarantee the security of Napoles at the Makati city jail, the Judge Elmo Alameda of the Regional Trial Court, Branch 150, of Makati City, issued an order granting the motion and ordering the immediate transfer of Napoles from Makati city jail to Camp Sto. Domingo in Sta. Rosa, Laguna, according to DZMM, DZBB, and DZRH field news reports.

The pork barrel queen Napoles can now be ranked with VIPs like Erap Estrada, Misuari, and Honasan, who were past detainees at Camp Sto. Domingo, which is a PNP special action force training camp. 
I hope I am wrong (and I wish the PNP will correct me on this), but as a VIP detainee in a special PNP camp which is not under the direct control of the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP), whose detention rules and regulations are very strict, I suppose Napoles will enjoy certain special amenities which are not enjoyed by poor and helpless prisoners locked up in overcrowded, dirty, unventilated, and sick local jails, such as, but not necessarily limited to, an air condition unit, a refrigerator, landline and mobile telephone units, access to internet via her own laptop and her private WIFI connection, unlimited visits by her family, a private menu of dishes, delicacies and drinks that suit her billionaire palate, and 

the like.


The irony of our democracy is that the huge expenses for the prolonged, special and VIP detention of rich and powerful personalities who had robbed the country of billions of tax money, are funded by the very same tax money of the common tao and small and hardworking entrepreneurs that the government has forcefully exacts, under pain of imprisonment, from their suffering, ailing, undernourished ignorant and obedient 
pockets.


Who says that life is fair? 


Who says that there is no "de facto caste system" in our democracy?



- Atty. Manuel J. Laserna Jr.
Laserna Cueva-Mercader Law Offices
Las Pinas City

China reiterates rejection of UN arbitration on sea row | Headlines, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com

see - China reiterates rejection of UN arbitration on sea row | Headlines, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com


"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - China has reiterated its rejection of arbitration proceedings initiated by the Philippines to settle the territorial row over the West Philippine Sea.
China relayed its position in a note verbale to the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) dated Aug. 1.
PCA said China “reiterated its position that it does not accept the arbitration initiated by the Philippines.”
Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), parties engaged in maritime disputes may seek help from Arbitral Tribunal.
“The Arbitral Tribunal proceedings will continue even without the participation of China,” Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman Raul Hernandez said.
Members of the Arbitral Tribunal held their first meeting at the Peace Palace in The Hague last July 11.  
Headlines ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1
The tribunal directed the Philippines to fully address all issues, including matters relating to the jurisdiction of the Arbitral Tribunal, the admissibility of the Philippines’ claim, as well as the merits of the dispute.
The Arbitral Tribunal will determine the course of proceedings, including the schedules of hearings and submission of pertinent papers.
The Philippines served Beijing last Jan. 22 with a Notification and Statement of Claim “with respect to the dispute with China over the maritime jurisdiction of the Philippines in the West Philippine Sea.” –  With Jaime Laude.
x x x."

Foreigners may invest in PH rural banks up to 69% of capital. of rural bank.

See - http://www.philstar.com/business/2013/08/30/1149181/bsp-amends-rules-foreign-investments-rural-banks


"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) has issued amendments to the implementing rules and regulations of the Rural Bank Act, which allows foreigners to invest in rural banks.
In a circular, the central bank adopted the rule allowing foreign individuals to own up to 60 percent of a rural bank.
“For rural banks, non-Filipino citizens, excluding foreign banks, may each or in the aggregate, own, acquire or purchase, up to sixty percent (60 percent) of the voting stocks in a rural bank,” the BSP said.
Qualified foreign banks are also allowed to own as much as 60 percent of the voting stock of rural banks, provided that aggregate foreign-owned voting stock do not exceed 60 percent of the outstanding voting stock.
Foreign banks are selected on the basis of their capacity, global reputation and stability, as provided under the central bank’s rules.
Foreigners are also allowed to sit on the board of rural banks, according to the BSP circular.
Business ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1
“Non-Filipino citizens may become members of the board of directors of a bank to the extent of the foreign participation in the equity of said banks,” the circular indicated.
However, it was stressed that majority of the bank’s board of directors should still be Philippine residents.
The Rural Bankers Association of the Philippines in May welcomed the passage of the bill into law, saying this puts rural banks in a better financial position to service Filipinos in the countryside.
Allowing foreigners to invest in rural banks will provide the small banks more sources of capital to improve their services.
Last year, the BSP shut down 24 banks, mostly rural banks, after they were found to have had insufficient capital to support operations.
The BSP and the Philippine Deposit Insurance Corp earlier put in place a scheme – the Strengthening Program for Rural Banks – whereby third parties can acquire troubled rural banks in exchange for tax and other incentives, such as exemption from restrictions on additional branches in overbanked areas.
x x x."

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Anatomy of a pork barrel case

see - Anatomy of a pork barrel case


"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - Here's one case that might give us an insight into how the pork barrel issue will be fought in court.
In seeking the dismissal of cases against her before the Sandiganbayan, the camp of former Cebu 4th district rep. Clavel Martinez, who's facing graft and malversation charges for allegedly diverting money from her pork barrel fund, claims she “merely identified the beneficiaries of her pork barrel funds.”
Martinez's lawyers claimed there was no ground for the Office of the Ombudsman to charge her for graft or malversation because the crucial elements of either offenses are lacking.
“Accused Clavel Martinez is not an accountable public officer since she merely identified the beneficiary of her PDAF and it was the Girl Scout of the Philippines (GSP)-Cebu Council which was tasked to implement the Anti-Drug Campaign Project,” the defense said.
Ombudsman investigators said Martinez set aside P10 million from her Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) in June 2002 as financial assistance to the anti-illegal drugs campaign of the GSP-Cebu Council.
A team of government auditors found out that the amount was coursed through the municipal government of Bogo which issued on Sept 22, 2003 a check worth P11.5 million payable to “GSP-Cebu/treasurer.”
Payable to Martinez
However, the check did not go into GSP-Cebu’s account but was found to have been replaced with a manager’s check worth P11.5 million made payable to “GSP-Cebu/Ma. Cielo Martinez,” which was then deposited at the BPI-Cebu Capitol bearing account no. 9063-0451-92 on Oct 20, 2003.
Exactly a week later, some P11.5 million was taken out of the said account while a P10 million sum went into BPI Account No. 9663-0063-01 under the name of Martinez.
Martinez has denied owning the account, saying it was a trust fund maintained by GSP-Cebu.
She added that two checks worth P4 million and P6 million were eventually returned to the municipal government of Bogo.
The Sandiganbayan, however, found probable cause in both cases and issued warrants of arrest on March 18, 2013 against Martinez and her co-defendants that include her son and former Bogo municipal mayor Celestino Martinez III, municipal treasurer Rhett Minguez and municipal accountant Cresencio Verdida.
Also covered by the arrest orders were GSP- Cebu Council bookkeeper Rhodariza Kilantang, cashier-designate Julieta Quiño, and treasurer Maria Cielo Martinez, daughter of the former Cebu solon.
The court affirmed the prosecution’s “no bail” recommendation in the malversation charge, as the amount involved was over the P22,000 threshold.
But the warrants were temporarily suspended after the defendants filed an Omnibus Motion to Dismiss.
The defense said both informations suffered from fatal defects because there was no proof that the defendants held final authority over the funds or that the government suffered undue injury from the fund transfers.
“Considering that the funds were not in Accused’ official custody or control since it is beyond their official functions to implement the Anti-Drug Campaign of the Province for which the fun was allotted, then the charge of malversation is totally baseless,” defense lawyer Jesus Victor Valdez said. - Rappler.com
x x x."

Saturday, August 24, 2013

‘Sleight of mind’; many don't believe the "abolition" of pork barrel.

see- ‘Sleight of mind’ (Prof. S. Monsod, PDI columnist).


How? The President announced that “it is time to abolish the PDAF.”

Great? We don’t have to rally anymore? He is giving us what we want?

Not at all. There’s a sleight of mind going on here. Notice he didn’t say “abolish the pork barrel,” he said “abolish the PDAF”. The hope is that we will equate the two.

The PDAF will formally go. But the pork barrel stays. What will change is its presentation. No more lump sums for each legislator. Replacing it will be line items for projects—which is exactly the form that the pork barrel in the United States (which we copied but “improved”) takes. But you can be sure that these items will total P70 million times the number of Congress people plus P200 million times the number of senators.

The President tells us that this method, plus all the other reforms—he enumerates them—will no longer make the pork barrel “susceptible to abuse or corruption.”

Please. A lot of the reforms he enumerates are already in the books. They have been ignored, with impunity. What makes him think they will not be ignored in the future?

Moreover, as has been emphasized in the latest Philippine Human Development Report 2012/2013, even if the pork barrel were corruption-free (which is a very unlikely scenario),  this “divide-by-N syndrome”—“the mechanical and feckless dissipation of government funds across localities instead of their rational allocation to where these might have the most impact”—will still result in inefficiencies and inequities. At the same time, the work of local development councils and their own investment priorities, are passed over.

In other words, in this supposedly new, reformed, but still pork barrel system the President proposes, he will still be able to wield great power over Congress (he can veto any line item he wants); the legislators still can choose the projects they want and use them for reelection purposes; and the people will still be left holding the bag.

Who is the President kidding?

See you at the rally on Monday.

x x x."

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/59459/sleight-of-mind#ixzz2cpqRVS6X
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Wednesday, August 21, 2013

In 1994 Supreme Court validated evil pork barrel system - (5) Atty Manuel J Laserna Jr.

see - (5) Atty Manuel J Laserna Jr.


As early as 1994, Supreme Court had validated the pork barrel system. -

In the following 1994 consolidated cases, the Supreme Court ratified/validated the constitutionality of the pork barrel system:

G.R. No. 113105 August 19, 1994

PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION ASSOCIATION, EXEQUIEL B. GARCIA and A. GONZALES, petitioners, vs. HON. SALVADOR ENRIQUEZ, as Secretary of Budget and Management; HON. VICENTE T. TAN, as National Treasurer and COMMISSION ON AUDIT, respondents.

G.R. No. 113174 August 19, 1994

RAUL S. ROCO, as Member of the Philippine Senate, NEPTALI A. GONZALES, Chairman of the Committee on Finance of the Philippine Senate, and EDGARDO J. ANGARA, as President and Chief Executive of the Philippine Senate, all of whom also sue as taxpayers, in their own behalf and in representation of Senators HEHERSON ALVAREZ, AGAPITO A. AQUINO, RODOLFO G. BIAZON, JOSE D. LINA, JR., ERNESTO F. HERRERA, BLAS F. OPLE, JOHN H. OSMENA, GLORIA MACAPAGAL- ARROYO, VICENTE C. SOTTO III, ARTURO M. TOLENTINO, FRANCISCO S. TATAD, WIGBERTO E. TAÑADA and FREDDIE N. WEBB, petitioners, vs. THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE DEPARTMENT OF BUDGET AND MANAGEMENT, and THE NATIONAL TREASURER, THE COMMISSION ON AUDIT, impleaded herein as an unwilling co-petitioner, respondents.

G.R. No. 113766 August 19, 1994

WIGBERTO E. TAÑADA and ALBERTO G. ROMULO, as Members of the Senate and as taxpayers, and FREEDOM FROM DEBT COALITION, petitioners, vs. HON. TEOFISTO T. GUINGONA, JR. in his capacity as Executive Secretary, HON. SALVADOR ENRIQUEZ, JR., in his capacity as Secretary of the Department of Budget and Management, HON. CARIDAD VALDEHUESA, in her capacity as National Treasurer, and THE COMMISSION ON AUDIT, respondents.

G.R. No. 113888 August 19, 1994

WIGBERTO E. TAÑADA and ALBERTO G. ROMULO, as Members of the Senate and as taxpayers, petitioners, vs. HON. TEOFISTO T. GUINGONA, JR., in his capacity as Executive Secretary, HON. SALVADOR ENRIQUEZ, JR., in his capacity as Secretary of the Department of Budget and Management, HON. CARIDAD VALDEHUESA, in her capacity as National Treasurer, and THE COMMISSION ON AUDIT, respondents.

Excerpts from the 1994 DECISION:

"x x x.

Petitioners claim that the power given to the members of Congress to propose and identify the projects and activities to be funded by the Countrywide Development Fund is an encroachment by the legislature on executive power, since said power in an appropriation act in implementation of a law. They argue that the proposal and identification of the projects do not involve the making of laws or the repeal and amendment thereof, the only function given to the Congress by the Constitution (Rollo, pp. 78- 86).

Under the Constitution, the spending power called by James Madison as "the power of the purse," belongs to Congress, subject only to the veto power of the President. The President may propose the budget, but still the final say on the matter of appropriations is lodged in the Congress.

The power of appropriation carries with it the power to specify the project or activity to be funded under the appropriation law. It can be as detailed and as broad as Congress wants it to be.

The Countrywide Development Fund is explicit that it shall be used "for infrastructure, purchase of ambulances and computers and other priority projects and activities and credit facilities to qualified beneficiaries . . ." It was Congress itself that determined the purposes for the appropriation.

Executive function under the Countrywide Development Fund involves implementation of the priority projects specified in the law.

The authority given to the members of Congress is only to propose and identify projects to be implemented by the President. Under Article XLI of the GAA of 1994, the President must perforce examine whether the proposals submitted by the members of Congress fall within the specific items of expenditures for which the Fund was set up, and if qualified, he next determines whether they are in line with other projects planned for the locality. Thereafter, if the proposed projects qualify for funding under the Funds, it is the President who shall implement them. In short, the proposals and identifications made by the members of Congress are merely recommendatory.

The procedure of proposing and identifying by members of Congress of particular projects or activities under Article XLI of the GAA of 1994 is imaginative as it is innovative.

The Constitution is a framework of a workable government and its interpretation must take into account the complexities, realities and politics attendant to the operation of the political branches of government. Prior to the GAA of 1991, there was an uneven allocation of appropriations for the constituents of the members of Congress, with the members close to the Congressional leadership or who hold cards for "horse-trading," getting more than their less favored colleagues. The members of Congress also had to reckon with an unsympathetic President, who could exercise his veto power to cancel from the appropriation bill a pet project of a Representative or Senator.

The Countrywide Development Fund attempts to make equal the unequal. It is also a recognition that individual members of Congress, far more than the President and their congressional colleagues are likely to be knowledgeable about the needs of their respective constituents and the priority to be given each project.

x x x."

My main commentary of the ratio decidendi of the Court is that it erred in holding that the pork barrel system "makes equal the unequal".

There is no rationality in an across the board allotment of P70M per congressman and P200M per senator.

It is an illusion to believe that the allotment of an equal amount per district is necessarily fair/just.

To a demagogue such an logic applies.

To a technocratic and thinking manager or economist, the better approaches or principles are EQUITY and AFFIRMATIVE ACTION, not necessarily numerical or peso equality per geographic unit.

- Atty. Manuel J. Laserna Jr.
Las Pinas City

Foreign-employed Pinoys not exempt from income tax – BIR | Business, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com

see - Foreign-employed Pinoys not exempt from income tax – BIR | Business, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com


"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - Filipinos employed by foreign governments, embassies, diplomatic missions and several international organizations are not exempted from paying income taxes, the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) said in a memorandum circular.
The BIR cited Sec. 23 of the National Internal Revenue Code, which states that a Philippine resident-citizen is taxable on all income derived from sources within and outside the Philippines.
The agency issued the circular to emphasize that the exemption from withholding taxes on the compensation of officials and employees of foreign governments/embassies, missions and select international organization only applies to those individuals who were expressly and unequivocally identified in international agreements or laws.
The clarification was issued to sow confusion as many taxpayers from this sector fail to file their income tax returns on the assumption they are exempted from paying income taxes. 
Officials of the United Nations and its specialized agencies are exempt from Philippine income tax, regardless of their nationality and place of residence. However, only those officials whose names have been communicated to the Philippine government shall be covered by the tax exemption, the BIR said. 
Philippine nationals who were not granted tax exemption or immunities are required to file their annual income tax returns on or before April 15 each year using BIR Form 1700 or 1701, declaring their amount of their respective compensation income for the preceding taxable year for services rendered or performed for such foreign government embassy/mission, agency or international organization.
x x x."

Supreme Court has validated the evil pork barrel system. - G.R. No. 164987

see - G.R. No. 164987


The infallible Supreme Court had validated the evil and immoral pork barrel system.-

Read:

LAWYERS AGAINST MONOPOLY AND POVERTY (LAMP), represented by its Chairman. and counsel, CEFERINO PADUA, Members, ALBERTO ABELEDA, JR., ELEAZAR ANGELES, GREGELY FULTON ACOSTA, VICTOR AVECILLA, GALILEO BRION, ANATALIA BUENAVENTURA, EFREN CARAG, PEDRO CASTILLO, NAPOLEON CORONADO, ROMEO ECHAUZ, ALFREDO DE GUZMAN, ROGELIO KARAGDAG, JR., MARIA LUZ ARZAGA-MENDOZA, LEO LUIS MENDOZA, ANTONIO P. PAREDES, AQUILINO PIMENTEL III, MARIO REYES, EMMANUEL SANTOS, TERESITA SANTOS, RUDEGELIO TACORDA, SECRETARY GEN. ROLANDO ARZAGA, Board of Consultants, JUSTICE ABRAHAM SARMIENTO, SEN. AQUILINO PIMENTEL, JR., and BARTOLOME FERNANDEZ, JR., GR No. 164987, April 24, 2012.

My Commentary:

In the foregoing 2012 Supreme Court decision the issue was the constitutionality and legality of the implementation of the congressional pork barrel system or the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) as provided for in Republic Act (R.A.) 9206 or the General Appropriations Act for 2004 (GAA of 2004).

Petitioner Lawyers Against Monopoly and Poverty (LAMP), a group of lawyers who have banded together with a mission of dismantling all forms of political, economic or social monopoly in the country, sought the issuance of a writ of preliminary injunction or temporary restraining order to enjoin respondent Secretary of the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) from making, and, thereafter, releasing budgetary allocations to individual members of Congress as “pork barrel” funds out of PDAF.  LAMP likewise aimed to stop the National Treasurer and the Commission on Audit (COA) from enforcing the questioned provision.

The Court DISMISSED the LAMP petition.

It declared the pork barrel system as a constitutional and valid act of the Executive and the Legislative (both of which are the two branches of government responsible for the preparation, deliberation and adoption of the annual budget of the government), citing the doctrine of separation of powers, among other things.

This is precisely why I have always believed that the evil congressional pork barrel system is a massive and mutually satisfying conspiracy (or at the very least, a case of immoral, if not criminal recklessness and tortuous irresponsibility in public policy and in law and jurisprudence) among the three branches of the Phil. government.

The decision cited the earlier case of PHILCONSA v. ENRIQUEZ, G.R. No. 113888, August 19, 1994, 235 SCRA 506, where the Court, agreeing w/ the Executive and the Legislative, described the pork barrel system "as an imaginative and innovative process or mechanism of implementing priority programs/projects specified in the law".

(Imagine, the sweet words used by the Court - "imaginative and innovative"!).

In the Philconsa case, the Court upheld the authority of individual Members of Congress "to propose and identify priority projects because this was merely recommendatory in nature".

(How can one call the system as "merely recommendatory" when the corrupt legislator selects the project, the contractor, the beneficiary (fake) foundation, and the bagman/commission collector?).

In the said case, the Court agreed w/ the Legislative that "the individual members of Congress were far more knowledgeable than the President about the needs of their respective constituents and the priority to be given each project."

(The core constitutional duty of Congress is TO LEGISLATE and TO DO OVERSIGHT. The core constitutional duty to plan, implement, and monitor social justice programs intended to meet the local needs of the people belongs to the Executive, his Cabinet and its line departments, bureaus, agencies, and offices, the NEDA,  the heads of the LGUs, and the local, provincial ad regional development councils formed by the Local Govt Code of 1991).

Who says the Supreme Court is infallible, all-knowing, and incapable of serious and destructive errors?

Read the text of the decision and see how the Court in effect ratified the evil pork barrel system.


- Atty. Manuel J. Laserna Jr.
Las Pinas City

Aquino, your boss wants you to scrap the pork barrel | Inquirer Opinion

see - Aquino, your boss wants you to scrap the pork barrel | Inquirer Opinion


"x x x.

The Commission on Audit has found out that GMA used pork barrel funds to “bribe” members of Congress to be able to escape the string of impeachment cases against her. Now P-Noy, the “knight in shining armor” who slew her, does not want to let go of the same corrupt-ridden pork barrel in spite of the widespread public clamor to abolish it. So what’s the difference between GMA and P-Noy? Did we throw out one corrupt president only to replace her with one like her?

“Kayo ang boss ko (You are my boss),” P-Noy told the people during his inaugural speech. Now his boss, the people, are ordering him in clear unmistakable terms to abolish the pork barrel system. But our anticorruption President is defying the order of his boss. He has brazenly said no, he won’t abolish the corrupt pork system.

The people are so outraged that they will have a people power demonstration, called the “Million People March to Luneta,” against the pork barrel and P-Noy at Rizal Park on Aug. 26, National Heroes Day. If P-Noy doesn’t watch out, he may go the way of President Marcos who was ousted by the first People Power revolt that also catapulted his mother, Cory Aquino, to Malacañang.  I urge readers to join the march to show P-Noy how angry we are at the massive theft of our money and at the callousness of this administration in playing deaf to the clamor of the people against the evil pork barrel.

“Saan kaya kumukuha ng kakapalan ng mukha (Where are they getting the thickness of skin)” to be able to go on with the corruption in the Bureau of Customs? P-Noy asked in a speech scolding the officials and employees of the bureau. I throw that question back at him: Saan siya kumukuha ng kapal ng mukha to defend the pork barrel, which is clearly, unmistakably, definitely, and unquestionably corrupt?  Where is his “daang matuwid” now?  It is turning out to be as crooked as the crooks who trod it.

Instead of heeding the people’s clamor, P-Noy has found a scapegoat in Janet Lim-Napoles, the alleged mastermind of the P10-billion pork barrel scam. He has ordered Justice Secretary Leila de Lima to immediately file criminal charges against Napoles. Perhaps he thinks the prosecution of Napoles will cool the anger of the people. How can the government prosecute anybody whom it cannot even locate, much less arrest?

And why only Napoles? She is only one part of the pork barrel scam. What about the other parts, the lawmakers who assigned their pork barrel allocations to her bogus nongovernment organizations? Napoles could not have gotten her hands on those pork funds had not the senators and congressmen, who include P-Noy’s party mates and allies, been willing to assign their pork allocations to her NGOs. And they were willing partners to the scam because they got as much as 60 percent of the project allocations, according to the whistle-blowers. They are as guilty as Napoles, if not more so. There will not be any pork barrel scam if there were no willing senators and congressmen. Alas, P-Noy is silent on the prosecution of Napoles’ partners in the scam.

P-Noy said even his allies would be prosecuted “if evidence will link them to wrongdoing.” Mr. President, the evidence is staring you in the face. The lawmakers are the source of the funds that Napoles took. They got more than half of those funds.

x x x."



Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/59259/aquino-your-boss-wants-you-to-scrap-the-pork-barrel#ixzz2cWuEtPnc
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Monday, August 19, 2013

July 2013 Philippine Supreme Court Decisions on Criminal Law and Procedure | LEXOTERICA: A PHILIPPINE BLAWG

see - July 2013 Philippine Supreme Court Decisions on Criminal Law and Procedure | LEXOTERICA: A PHILIPPINE BLAWG


"x x x.

Bigamy; bigamy committed even if second marriage is subsequently declared void. In the present case, it appears that all the elements of the crime of bigamy were present when the Information was filed on June 28, 2004. It is undisputed that a second marriage between petitioner and private respondent was contracted on December 8, 1999, during the subsistence of a valid first marriage. Notably, the Regional Trial Court of Antipolo City itself declared the bigamous nature of the second marriage between petitioner and private respondent. Thus, the subsequent judicial declaration of nullity of the second marriage for being bigamous does not bar the prosecution of petitioner for the crime of bigamy. Jurisprudence is replete with cases holding that the accused may still be charged with the crime of bigamy, even if there is a subsequent declaration of the nullity of the second marriage, so long as the first marriage was still subsisting when the second marriage was celebrated. Finally, it is a settled rule that the criminal culpability attaches to the offender upon the commission of the offense, and from that instant, liability appends to him until extinguished as provided by law. It is clear then that the crime of bigamy was committed by petitioner from the time he contracted the second marriage with private respondent. Thus, the finality of the judicial declaration of nullity of petitioner’s second marriage does not impede the filing of a criminal charge for bigamy against him. James Walter P. Capili v. People of the Philippines, G.R. No. 183805, July 3, 2013.

x x x."

Right to speedy trial. - July 2013 Philippine Supreme Court Decisions on Criminal Law and Procedure | LEXOTERICA: A PHILIPPINE BLAWG

see - July 2013 Philippine Supreme Court Decisions on Criminal Law and Procedure | LEXOTERICA: A PHILIPPINE BLAWG


"x x x.

Ombudsman; preliminary investigations of Ombudsman subject to petitioners’ right to speedy disposition of cases under the Constitution. A person’s right to the speedy disposition of his case is guaranteed under section 16, Article III of the 1987 Philippine Constitution (Constitution) which provides: “All persons shall have the right to a speedy disposition of  their cases before all judicial, quasi-judicial, or administrative bodies.”  This constitutional right is not limited to the accused in criminal proceedings but extends to all parties in all cases, be it civil or administrative in nature, as well as all proceedings, either judicial or quasi-judicial. In this accord, any party to a case may demand expeditious action to all officials who are tasked with the administration of justice. Rafael L. Coscolluela v. Sandiganbayan, et al./Edwin N. Nacionales, et al v. Sandiganbayan, et al, G.R. No. 191411/G.R. No. 191871, July 15, 2013. 
Ombudsman; preliminary investigations of Ombudsman subject to petitioners’ right to speedy disposition of cases under the Constitution. The right to speedy disposition of cases should be understood to be a relative or flexible concept such that a mere mathematical reckoning of the time involved would not be sufficient. Jurisprudence dictates that the right is deemed violated only when the proceedings are attended by vexatious, capricious, and oppressive delays; or when unjustified postponements of the trial are asked for and secured; or even without cause or justifiable motive, a long period of time is allowed to elapse without the party having his case tried. Hence, in the determination of whether the defendant has been denied his right to a speedy disposition of a case, the following factors may be considered and balanced: (1) the length of delay; (2) the reasons for the delay; (3) the assertion or failure to assert such right by the accused; and (4) the prejudice caused by the delay. Rafael L. Coscolluela v. Sandiganbayan, et al./Edwin N. Nacionales, et al v. Sandiganbayan, et al, G.R. No. 191411/G.R. No. 191871, July 15, 2013. 
Ombudsman; the Ombudsman’s failure to resolve cases under preliminary investigation for eight years held to be unjustifiable and violated right of petitioners to a speedy disposition of their cases under the Constitution. The Supreme Court held that its prior decisions regarding the legal effects of a violation of the constitutional right of the accused to a speedy trial apply equally when a person’s constitutional right to the speedy disposition of his case is violated. Since the proceedings relative to the preliminary investigation of the case against petitioners were terminated by the Ombudsman only after almost eight (8) years after the filing of the complaint, the Supreme Court found the delay in the Ombudsman’s resolution of the case to be unjustified. The Supreme Court held: “[I]n view of the unjustified length of time miring the Office of the Ombudsman’s resolution of the case as well as the concomitant prejudice that the delay in this case has caused, it is undeniable that petitioners’ constitutional right to due process and speedy disposition of cases had been violated. As the institutional vanguard against corruption and bureaucracy, the Office of the Ombudsman should create a system of accountability in order to ensure that cases before it are resolved with reasonable dispatch and to equally expose those who are responsible for its delays, as it ought to determine in this case. Corollarily, for the [Sandiganbayan’]s patent and utter disregard of the existing laws and jurisprudence surrounding the matter, the Court finds that it gravely abused its discretion when it denied the quashal of the Information [against petitioners]. Perforce, the assailed resolutions must be set aside and the criminal case against petitioners be dismissed. . . . [T]he foregoing pronouncement should, as matter of course, result in the acquittal of the petitioners.” Rafael L. Coscolluela v. Sandiganbayan, et al./Edwin N. Nacionales, et al v. Sandiganbayan, et al, G.R. No. 191411/G.R. No. 191871, July 15, 2013. 
x x x."

Thursday, August 15, 2013

Department of Justice - Criminal Code of the Philippines

see - Department of Justice - Criminal Code of the Philippines

Click http://125.212.36.246/index.php?id1=1 to read the text of the proposed CODE OF CRIMES OF THE PHILIPPINES. House Bill No. 2300.

The types of attorneys you'll meet in court and how to deal with them

see - Legal Solutions Blog | Blog | The types of attorneys you'll meet in court and how to deal with them


"x x x.

The veteran
As a newer attorney, most attorneys may seem like veterans.  However, this particular type is more specific than simply an “experienced attorney.”
The “veteran” is an attorney who has been practicing for 25 years or longer, often within the same practice area.
They are typically very set in their ways, know (and may be on friendly terms with) all of the judges they come before, and, unfortunately, don’t think much of newer attorneys.
This type can be particularly difficult for newer attorneys to work with.
Judges who may be unsure on how to rule on a case may tend to defer to the arguments of the veteran, wrong though they may be, simply because the veteran has been practicing for so long, and the judge is more familiar with him or her.
This also makes settlement more difficult for your side, since veterans are often quite confident when matched up against newer attorneys, even if the law and facts aren’t on their side.
The biggest thing to keep in mind when dealing with this type is to understand that, while an attorney’s understanding of court procedures may be directly linked with experience, understanding of the law is not so constrained.
In other words, you may understand the law as well as or better than the veteran, so don’t let one steal your confidence in court.
The problem, though, is that you never know how things will go in court, wherein, as mentioned above, the veteran has the distinct advantage of experience.
So while you shouldn’t let the veteran steal your confidence, you should also be aware that the advantage is likely his or hers.  Negotiate accordingly.
The attorney who refuses to settle
“Refusing to settle” here can mean one of many things.
First, it could mean that the attorney doesn’t even open settlement dialog with you.  This is usually chalked up to inexperience (so, if you didn’t know already, attorneys nearly always meet before a hearing to try to come to a resolution, even if both already know that one isn’t possible)
However, even if you were to initiate settlement discussions with such an attorney, “refusing” could be a constructive refusal – that is, all of the offers made by the attorney are completely untenable to your client.  Such an attorney may be inexperienced in the courtroom (i.e. he or she is primarily a transactional attorney), or may also fit into the fourth and/or fifth categories below.
So what do you do?  Good question.
Your only real option is to attempt to settle in good faith, but don’t let this attorney bully you into settling for something that is not in your client’s best interests.  You must be willing to go to court.
The amicable attorney
If you’re lucky, you’ll end up with this type as your opposing counsel.
This attorney knows that being an attorney is just a job, and that the interests of the client are not his or her own.
Obviously, this type is the easiest to work with, and for good reason: they are pleasant to communicate with, and, most of the time, they have the understanding that the attorneys are not the same people as the clients that they may represent.
In spite of all this, you must still be aware that this person is your opposing counsel first, and your friend second. 
Just because they may have a healthy amount of objectivity doesn’t mean that they don’t have their clients best interests in mind.
The advice here is, while this type may be the most pleasant to work with, don’t let your guard down.
The jerk
This type is the exact opposite of the previous type.  They take the “adversarial process” to new heights, and they can be one of the worst aspects of going to court.
Where the amicable attorney is pleasant to communicate with, the jerk just wants to be, well, a jerk.
They will mock your client’s case, belittle your legal argument, and sometimes just conduct themselves with a complete lack of decorum in settlement.
Negotiating with this type is also particularly frustrating because their first offer is something along the lines of, “give my client everything he’s/she’s asking for, and we’ll accept it.”
The best advice for dealing with this one is to not let them get under your skin.  Be the better attorney.  And good luck.
The attorney who’s lost objectivity
This is an attorney who fails to see the distinction between the client’s interests and his or her own.  As such, they are a very difficult type to negotiate with because they often let their emotions override their detached analysis of a situation.
The worst part is that there may not be anything you can do to jolt them back into seeing things objectively again.
The best way to deal with this type during settlement is to subtly remind them of the benefits of coming to an agreement (keeping the power in the hands of the parties, removing the element of chance that comes with going to court, etc).
Also, as is the case for dealing with the rest of the types, don’t let the opposing counsel’s behavior influence your objectivity, confidence, and professionalism.
- See more at: http://westlawinsider.com/practice-of-law/the-types-of-attorneys-youll-meet-in-court-and-how-to-deal-with-them/#sthash.zSXiAhbB.dpuf
x x x."