The November 11, 2026 Visual Capitalist report, Mapped: The World's Most and Least Democratic Countries, contains a disturbing finding for the Philippines: our country remains a democracy, but its democratic institutions and performance are deteriorating.
This is particularly significant because the Philippines has a democratic Constitution, regular elections, an independent judiciary in principle, a free press, and an active civil society. Yet these formal democratic structures do not automatically translate into genuine democratic governance.
The report draws on the Economist Intelligence Unit's (EIU) 2025 Democracy Index, which evaluates 167 countries and territories.
1. Where does the Philippines stand?
Philippines — 2025
Flawed democracy
62nd worldwide
6.31/10
Democracy score:
The score declined by 0.32 points from 6.63 in 2024. The Philippines was among the ten countries with the largest score declines.
The Philippines ranked 62nd worldwide, behind Malaysia (42nd), Thailand (54th), Indonesia (60th), and Singapore (68th in the overall ranking, despite its more restrictive political environment).
The Philippines is therefore not among the world's authoritarian regimes, but neither does it qualify as a full democracy.
The distinction matters: having elections is not the same as having a fully functioning democracy.
2. Why is the Philippines losing democratic ground?
The EIU uses 60 indicators divided into five equally weighted dimensions. These are important because they reveal that democracy is not measured simply by the holding of elections.
A. Electoral process and political pluralism
The Philippines regularly holds national and local elections. However, genuine electoral competition is weakened by political dynasties and the concentration of political power; vote buying and patronage politics; the disproportionate influence of wealthy political families and business interests; disinformation, political propaganda and manipulation of public opinion; and unequal access to campaign resources and media exposure.
The problem is not necessarily the absence of elections. It is the unequal conditions under which candidates and political parties compete.
B. Functioning of government
This is a particularly serious concern.
A democratic government must be accountable, transparent and responsive to the public.
The Philippines continues to struggle with systemic corruption and misuse of public funds, weak accountability mechanisms, political interference in government institutions, poor implementation of laws and public policies, and insufficient transparency in government procurement and budgeting.
The recent controversies involving public infrastructure expenditures and alleged budget insertions illustrate why independent auditing, legislative oversight and prosecution of corruption are essential.
C. Political participation
Filipinos are politically active. We have elections, demonstrations, advocacy groups, investigative journalism and vigorous social-media discussions.
But political participation must go beyond voting.
Citizens must have meaningful opportunities to influence government decisions, demand accountability and participate in policymaking without intimidation.
D. Political culture
A healthy democracy requires respect for constitutionalism, tolerance of opposing views, reasoned public debate and acceptance of institutional checks and balances.
Personality-oriented politics, political fanaticism, historical revisionism and the tendency to treat political leaders as unquestionable personalities undermine this culture.
Political loyalty must never be more important than truth, public accountability and the Constitution.
E. Civil liberties
Freedom of expression, press freedom, peaceful assembly, association and protection against arbitrary government action are indispensable.
Journalists, human-rights defenders, activists and government critics must be able to perform their functions without threats, harassment or politically motivated prosecution.
The protection of these freedoms is not a privilege granted by the government. It is a constitutional obligation.
3. Independent assessments reinforce the warning
The EIU findings should not be considered in isolation.
Three other important institutions provide complementary assessments.
International IDEA: Its 2025 Global State of Democracy assessment places the Philippines at 109th out of 173 countries in Rule of Law. It also identifies declining civil society performance, economic equality and absence of corruption as concerns.
Freedom House: Its 2025 assessment gives the Philippines 58 out of 100, classifying it as only Partly Free. It identifies political dynasties, vote buying, disinformation, corruption and threats against journalists and activists as significant problems.
V-Dem-based democracy assessment: Its 2025 data indicate a substantial long-term decline in Philippine electoral democracy and political equality. This uses a different methodology from the EIU and should not be confused with the EIU's numerical score.
These independent assessments point toward a common concern: Philippine democracy retains competitive elections and considerable civic activity, but its institutional foundations remain weak.
4. What should the Philippines do? Recommendations
The Visual Capitalist article is principally a presentation of democracy rankings and trends. It does not prescribe a detailed reform programme specifically for the Philippines. The following recommendations are my policy conclusions from its findings and the complementary assessments above.
1. Enact an effective Anti-Political Dynasty Law.
Implement the constitutional mandate under Article II, Section 26, which directs the State to prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.
Political power should not become an inherited family business.
2. Strengthen the independence of constitutional institutions.
Protect the independence and integrity of the Commission on Audit (COA), Commission on Elections (COMELEC), Civil Service Commission, Office of the Ombudsman, Judiciary and Commission on Human Rights.
These institutions must be able to investigate and hold powerful officials accountable without political interference.
3. Reform political campaign financing.
Require transparent disclosure of campaign contributions and expenditures, effective auditing, and meaningful penalties for violations.
Reduce the influence of oligarchs, political financiers and vested business interests over electoral outcomes and public policy.
4. Strengthen freedom of information and government transparency.
Enact a comprehensive Freedom of Information law, improve public access to government contracts and procurement records, and make public expenditure tracking more accessible.
Citizens have the right to know how their taxes are spent.
5. Protect press freedom and civil liberties.
Investigate threats and violence against journalists, human-rights defenders and political activists. Prevent arbitrary arrests and politically motivated prosecutions.
A government that cannot tolerate criticism cannot claim to respect democratic freedoms.
6. Reform the electoral system.
Address vote buying, disinformation, political dynasties, abuse of government resources during campaigns and unequal access to political competition.
Strengthen COMELEC's institutional independence and enforcement capabilities.
7. Promote constitutional literacy and democratic education.
Schools, universities, churches, media organizations and civil society should promote critical thinking, historical accuracy, civic responsibility and respect for constitutional institutions.
Democracy cannot survive indefinitely if voters become indifferent to corruption, disinformation and abuses of power.
5. Overall assessment
The most disturbing lesson from this report is that democracy can deteriorate without a military coup, suspension of the Constitution or formal abolition of elections.
Democratic institutions can remain standing while their effectiveness is gradually weakened.
A country may continue holding elections, maintaining Congress and operating courts, yet experience declining accountability, increasing political patronage, weakened checks and balances, and diminishing respect for civil liberties.
The Philippines must guard against this gradual erosion.
Our 1987 Constitution established a democratic system precisely because the Filipino people experienced authoritarian rule under martial law. Its safeguards must not become mere constitutional decorations.
Democracy is not simply majority rule. It is constitutional government, the rule of law, institutional independence, protection of minorities, accountability of public officials and respect for human rights.
The greatest danger is not necessarily the emergence of another dictator. It is the gradual normalization of political dynasties, corruption, impunity and public indifference until democratic institutions lose their ability to restrain those in power.
We must remember: public officials are temporary occupants of government positions. Sovereignty ultimately belongs to the Filipino people.
Sources
1. Visual Capitalist, November 11, 2026. Mapped: The World's Most and Least Democratic Countries.
[https://www.visualcapitalist.com/mapped-state-of-democracy-around-the-world/]
https://www.visualcapitalist.com/
2. Economist Intelligence Unit. Democracy Index 2025.
[https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2025/]
https://www.eiu.com
3. International IDEA. Global State of Democracy – Philippines.
[https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/country/philippines]
https://www.idea.int/
4. Freedom House. Freedom in the World 2025 – Philippines.
[https://freedomhouse.org/country/philippines/freedom-world/2025]
https://freedomhouse.org/
5. V-Dem Institute. Democracy Reports and Data.
[https://www.v-dem.net/]
https://www.v-dem.net/
Our conclusion: The Philippines does not need another constitutional declaration of democratic ideals. It needs the political will to enforce the Constitution we already have.
