Friday, February 27, 2015

4 Ways to Fight Corruption in Government Procurement | Corporate Counsel

See - 4 Ways to Fight Corruption in Government Procurement | Corporate Counsel





"x x x.

Below are four options that companies have pursued, with varying degrees of success, when faced with corruption in government procurement.


1. Engage With Your Competitors Beforehand

Since the mid-1990s, companies have begun to willingly enter integrity pacts, which involve a public declaration and a legally binding contract containing ethical and transparency standards applicable to all parties to a specific tender. Governments also are parties to these pacts and are responsible for ensuring a level playing field among competitors, including the participation of an external monitor responsible for verifying compliance during the procurement process.
Experience has shown that integrity pacts are not always foolproof solutions and can raise concerns around proprietary information, but they do tend to engender more confidence in the overall transparency of the procurement process.


2. Appeal the Decision

Many international procurement systems include a process for challenging decisions on public contracting and include serious penalties for offering or receiving bribes. Losing bidders in Europe, for example, have the right to appeal tender decisions within 10 days of a decision. Similar provisions usually exist in countries using theUNCITRAL Model Procurement Laws or in World Bank-funded projects.
Formal appeals can be costly however, and often are difficult to win as it is very hard to prove that a company has been treated unfairly. One 2012 study in Montenegro, for example, found that reform in the procurement appeals process had done little to stem corruption risks in the country.


3. Speak Out

Many times, companies don’t enjoy drawing attention to the fact that they suspect corruption in a tender process, even if they themselves resisted bribery demands. Nonetheless, there are international groups, local organization, embassies, NGOs and other stakeholders that help companies report bribery allegations anonymously. The trick when approaching these stakeholders is to receive a guarantee that the company’s name won’t be in the news, in order to minimize potential retaliation from government officials.
In 2012, several international groups, including Sherpa, a Paris-based think tank, and Bankwatch, which focuses on monitoring the activities of international financial institutions across Eastern and Central Europe, pressured the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to halt a loan for the construction of a thermal power plant in Šoštanj, Slovenia. The winning bid by Alstom was widely suspected to have been obtained through corruption. Two years and over $770 million in penalties later, the project has been deemed a failure and Alstom remains under investigation by the Slovenian National Investigations Office.
Other times, companies may want to engage directly with the press. History shows that investigative journalists can be essential to bringing bribery schemes to light, as was true of the Bofors bribery defense scandal in India in the mid-1980s.
If you do decide to approach a media source with information, you will want to make sure that there’s an explicit agreement between your company and the reporter investigating the story to maintain anonymity. One way to do that is to provide information “on background” so the information provided to the reporter can’t be tied to the individual who provided it or the organization they represent. A more common tactic is to provide information entirely “off the record.” whereby the reporter agrees to independently verify the allegations. This latter approach was famously used by The Washington Post in its uncovering of the Watergate scandal in the early 1970s. In either case, you’ll want find a reporter who’s already writing about the issue in order to ensure that they’ll know how to pursue the story to the fullest extent and understand the underlying issues.


4. Seek Alternative Legal Recourse

Because formal appeals are problematic, others seek alternative legal avenues entirely outside of the procurement process. Many countries have created independent investigative bodies with the explicit mandate of pursuing government corruption.
In Uganda, for example, the Inspector General of Government (IGG) has broad constitutional authority to investigate cases of suspected bribery in government procurement. In 2013, the IGG released a report regarding allegations of corruption in the bidding process for the Karuma Hydropower Plant after an anonymous whistleblower sent a dossier of allegations to the IGG’s office. Another whistleblower, CCII Systems (Proprietary) Ltd., publicly complained to the South African Special Investigating Unit and the Office the Auditor-General regarding corruption involving a multibillion dollar 1999 South African arms deal. Fifteen years later, however, that investigation is still ongoing.
Others have sought direct civil action against their competitors. While there is no private right of action under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), other statutes have been invoked to pursue cases where competitors are suspected of bribery. In the U.K., a group of Iraq-based fuel additive companies brought an unlawful means conspiracy claim against Innospec Inc., claiming its additive would have been used by the Iraqi authorities but for the corrupt conduct of Innospec. Although the plaintiffs lost on the facts, the commercial court’s decision seems to indicate that that claims against bribing competitors are available under English law.
What can we learn from these past efforts by private entities to fight corruption in government procurement situations? By now, many companies understand why antibribery compliance is important, but that’s unfortunately not true of everyone competing for lucrative government contracts. Companies that want to do business “the right way” have an increasingly wide range of options available to them in cases when they suspect wrongdoing by competitors. While this may not quite count as a “competitive advantage,” it at least helps move us toward a more level playing field.

Alexandra Wrage is the president of TRACE, an antibribery business organization offering practical tools and services to multinational companies to support their goals of rigorous compliance and good governance.


x x x."

Read more: http://www.corpcounsel.com/id=1202718752242/4-Ways-to-Fight-Corruption-in-Government-Procurement#ixzz3SwTg5j93

Thursday, February 26, 2015

DFA: Authentication certificates can be verified online starting March 9 | Pinoy Abroad | GMA News Online

See - DFA: Authentication certificates can be verified online starting March 9 | Pinoy Abroad | GMA News Online





"x x x.

Starting March 9, authentication certificates issued in the Philippines can be verified online through the Department of Foreign Affairs' (DFA) website.
This is one of the benefits of the DFA's expected improvement of authentication services, following the rollout of new information technology equipment this week.

"Currently, one out of ten Filipinos are overseas as migrant workers and immigrants. At some point, they will need their documents to be used abroad to be legalized through our Department,” DFA Undersecretary for Civilian Security and Consular Concerns Rafael Seguis said in a statement.

Seguis also said this will allow further decentralization of authentication services in the regions.

“Consular service is not limited to the issuance of passports and visas but also includes authentication service. With the rollout of the two Authentication IT systems ... authentication service, more commonly known as 'red ribbon,' takes a big leap forward from the medieval age and joins the information age," he said.

The DFA acquired 21 computers, 11 scanners, two servers and one storage device for operating the two systems.

Such equipment will help in the printing of highly secure and tamper-deterrent authentication certificates, the DFA said.

Document management system

The DFA said the Document Management System co-developed by the DFA and APO Production Unit seeks to streamline repetitive backend operations processes to cut down turn-around time and optimize manpower resources.

It said the system will also be the platform for the standardization of authentication services in Philippine Embassies and Consulates General abroad.

e-Registry system

Meanwhile, the DFA said the e-Registry System will make available a database of specimen signatures which can be accessed by DFA satellite and regional consular offices as well as Philippine foreign service posts abroad.

The e-Registry System also makes online verification of authentication certificates issuance by interested parties possible.


“This will also make possible further decentralization of authentication services to our regional consular offices, which is in line with our mantra to make consular services more convenient, closer and accessible to the public,” Seguis said.

He added this is beneficial in light of the growing number of overseas Filipinos.

Meanwhile, the DFA said the e-Registry system will also allow the Philippines to join and implement the Apostille Convention, which streamlines into a single formality the legalization procedure of public documents to be used abroadJoel Locsin/KBK, GMA News

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John Oliver Shows that Judges can be Bought and Paid For Like Any Other Politician - attn:

See - John Oliver Shows that Judges can be Bought and Paid For Like Any Other Politician - attn:





"x x x.

You're probably aware that many state judges are elected -- they have to run for their judgeship like mayors have to run for their positions. But admit it: it's likely not something you think about too much. But just like any other politician, to pay for a campaign, judges need campaign donations, too.
But consider the uncomfortable implications after an election, where a judge is hearing a case that might affect one of his donors. Well, it's that very definitive conflict of interest that's in the latest cross hairs of John Oliver this week:
At least $18 million in contributions was spent on state Supreme Court campaigns in 2014, according to the Center for Public Integrity. Additionally, at least $5.2 was million spent by state high court candidates on television ads, with some candidates spending exorbitant amounts on an individual basis.   
What practical effect does this have? As Oliver pointed out: "The problem with an elected judiciary is sometimes the right decision is neither easy nor popular. And yet, campaigns force judges to look over their shoulder on every ruling."
And indeed, Oliver's claims are backed up in recent research. A new study shows that spending on television ads attacking opposing judicial candidates as “soft-on-crime” television impact more than just the election. Researchers from the Emory Law School and the American Constitution Society examined more than 3,000 criminal cases across 32 states from 2008 to 2013 and found that the more television ads in state supreme court races, the more rulings against criminal defendants.
At a glance, this essentially means that unchecked money funneled into judicial elections gives prospective judges more of a competitive edge against one another, ultimately lending a skewed incentive to the rulings they hand down as they follow through on the promises they made to their contributors. This point is driven home in numerous examples in Oliver's most recent show, like this one, with a prospective judge declaring that it is "my privilege to sentence you to life in prison without parole." "Wait, it's your privilege?" Oliver follows up, "at best, it's your duty," he says, drawing an unsettling parallel to an overexcited proctologist.  
x x x."

Adultery no longer a crime in South Korea | ABS-CBN News

See - Adultery no longer a crime in South Korea | ABS-CBN News



Adultery is an issue that should be dealt with through dialogue between the partners, not by law?



"x x x.

SEOUL - South Korea's Constitutional Court on Thursday struck down a controversial adultery law which for more than 60 years had criminalized extra-marital sex and jailed violators for up to two years.

The nine-member bench ruled by seven to two that the 1953 statute aimed at protecting traditional family values was unconstitutional.

"Even if adultery should be condemned as immoral, state power should not intervene in individuals' private lives," said presiding justice Park Han-Chul.


The decision saw shares in the South Korean firm Unidus Corp., one of the world's largest condom manufacturers, soar by the daily limit of 15 percent on the local stock exchange.
It was the fifth time the apex court had considered the constitutional legality of the legislation which had made South Korea one of the few non-Muslim countries to regard marital infidelity as a criminal act.
In the past six years, close to 5,500 people have been formerly arraigned on adultery charges -- including nearly 900 in 2014.
But the numbers had been falling, with cases that ended in prison terms increasingly rare.
Whereas 216 people were jailed under the law in 2004, that figure had dropped to 42 by 2008, and since then only 22 have found themselves behind bars, according to figures from the state prosecution office.
The downward trend was partly a reflection of changing societal trends in a country where rapid modernisation has frequently clashed with traditionally conservative norms.

Public views 'have changed'

"Public conceptions of individuals' rights in their sexual lives have undergone changes," Park said, as he delivered the court's decision.
Reading the dissenting opinion, Justice Ahn Chang-Ho insisted the 1953 statute was a key protector of family morals, and warned that its abolition would "spark a surge in debauchery."
Under the law, adultery could only be prosecuted on complaint from an injured party, and any case was closed immediately if the plaintiff dropped the charge -- a common occurrence that often involved a financial settlement.
The debate over its future had simmered away for years, bubbling over from time to time especially if a public figure fell foul of the statute.
Such was the case in 2008 when one of the country's best-known actresses, Ok So-Ri, was given an eight-month suspended sentence for having an adulterous affair.
At that time, Ok unsuccessfully petitioned the Constitutional Court, arguing that the law amounted to a violation of her human rights in the name of revenge.
The court had previously deliberated the issue in 1990, 1993 and 2001, but those moves to strike down the law had failed to gain the support of the six judges required.
Ok's 2008 petition had come close with five judges deeming the statute unconstitutional.

Improving gender equality

The law was originally designed to protect the rights of women at a time when marriage afforded them few legal rights, with most having no independent income and divorce carrying enormous social stigma.
But even socially conservative civic groups who had supported the legislation in the past acknowledged that times had changed.
"Adultery must be censured morally and socially, but such a law is inappropriate in a modern society," said Ko Seon-Ju, an activist with the Seoul-based civic group Healthy Families.
"It used to be an effective legal tool to protect female rights, but equal rights legislation has improved," Ko said.

"Adultery is an issue that should be dealt with through dialogue between the partners, not by law," she added.

While the adultery law may have been ruled out of existence, social disapproval of marital infidelity remains potent.

In April last year, South Korea blocked the newly launched Korean version of the global adultery hook-up site Ashley Madison, saying it threatened family values.
x x x."

© 1994-2015 Agence France-Presse

Filipinos in Germany can now avail of dual citizenship | ABS-CBN News

See - Filipinos in Germany can now avail of dual citizenship | ABS-CBN News





"x xx.

MANILA, Philippines - Filipino youth in Germany can now choose to have dual citizenship, thanks to a new law.
The Department of Foreign Affairs said the amended German citizenship law, the German Nationality Act (StAG) has abolished the exclusivity rule that obliged children born in Germany of foreigner parents to choose one citizenship over the other citizenship.


Effective December 20, 2014, children born of foreigner (non-German) parents in Germany after 01 January 2000 can now have both citizenships.

The children's parents should be both foreigners (either both Filipinos or a Filipino parent and a non-German parent). One of the parents should have also stayed in Germany legally for 8 years.

The child should also have grown up in Germany. This means the child should have lived in Germany for eight years or attended a school in Germany for six years, or graduated from school or occupational training in Germany.

The child can now opt for both German citizenship and the citizenship of their parent’s country when they turn 21.

In the past, children born to foreign parents had to face the difficult decision of choosing only one citizenship upon reaching 21.

The same exemption from the obligation to choose on citizenship is applicable to those children of foreign parents who were born in Germany between 01 January 1990 and 31 December 1999 and were naturalized, becoming German citizens in the year 2000.

They are also no longer required to choose one from both citizenships and can retain their dual citizenships, provided they grew up in Germany.

However, the changes to the citizenship law will not affect the current rule in the Philippines that children born of mixed marriages (ex. Filipino-German) are entitled to both citizenships (dual citizenship by reason of blood).


Philippine Ambassador to Germany Melita Sta. Maria-Thomeczek welcomed the recent amendments to the German law.
"The changes to the immigration law are important in ensuring that Germany continues to be an open and multicultural society. It is especially important that Filipino-German youth, many of whom continue to closely identify themselves with the Philippines, are able to stake their claim to their parent’s homeland. No difficult decisions will have to be made – the only decision they will have to think about it is when to renew their Philippine passport," she said.
x x x."

SC junks petition against attempt to muzzle media | Inquirer News

See - SC junks petition against attempt to muzzle media | Inquirer News





"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines–The Supreme Court dismissed the appeal filed by several media organizations questioning a Court of Appeals decision that affirmed the legality of a circular issued  by the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) warning the publishing, broadcasting of news and commentaries which are considered subversive against the Arroyo administration.

In 2006, the NTC issued Memorandum Circular 01-03-2006 which warned about airing or publishing anti-Arroyo news during the height of then President Gloria Arroyo’s declaration of the State of Emergency.

The circular was questioned before the Court of Appeals but the petition was dismissed by the appeals court saying that it is not the proper remedy because the circular was issued by the NTC in its exercise of its quasi-legislative functions or its rule-making power.
The appeals court said it can review judicial and ministerial functions but not an agency’s legislative or quasi-legislative functions.

The ruling prompted the Philippine Press Institute, National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility, Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, UP College of Mass Communications and other media personalities and organizations filed the petition before the High Court.

“…petitioners respectfully pray that… a writ of prohibition be issued enjoining respondents and their successors in interest from making public pronouncements, warnings or threats to the press that they are being monitored, or that they may face administrative or criminal sanctions if they publish or broadcast speech that respondents consider as ‘tending’ to be 
rebellious or subversive or seditious,” the petition stated.

Petitioners said the appellate court committed an error of judgment in dismissing their case since the issue involves national interest.

They pointed out that the appellate court had admitted that such warnings can be construed as a “censure” to the exercise of the universal rights of free speech.
“In agreeing with petitioners that the acts of the respondents constituted unlawful prior restraints, but at the same time dismissing the petition ‘for lack of merit’, the Court of Appeals radically departed from the usual course of judicial proceedings as to warrant the exercise of this Court’s power of supervision,” the petition stated.

But the high court, in its recent ruling, said the media organizations failed to file the petition on time “and therefore, the question decision [of the Court of Appeals] had become final and no longer subject to review.
x x x."


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Wednesday, February 25, 2015

P-Noy ‘caused debacle’ by abetting Purisima | Opinion, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com

See - P-Noy ‘caused debacle’ by abetting Purisima | Opinion, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com





"x x x.

President Noynoy Aquino caused the Mamasapano debacle. He let suspended PNP chief Alan Purisima run the operation that left 44 SAFs dead and 16 wounded.
That the planning and execution was flawed, and reinforcements were slow are offshoots. So are Purisima’s misleading reports, and P-Noy’s conflicting statements. The issue is P-Noy abetted Purisima’s misdeed, as shown in testimonies, timelines, and texts.
The Ombudsman calls Purisima’s act “usurpation of authority.” He persisted as PNP boss despite a six-month suspension. Letting him usurp such authority makes P-Noy a liable conspirator. That’s from a law dean, a trial judge, and two litigators, who requested anonymity.
The conspiracy to usurp happened to flop. But it was wrong to begin with, even had there been no casualties, the legal sources noted.
The Revised Penal Code punishes usurpers (Art. 177) with “prision correccional in its minimum and medium periods.” Meaning, six months to two years behind bars, eligible for probation. Conspirators can be convicted (Art. 8) because “the act of one is the act of all.”
Answerable too are SAF Dir. Getulio Napeñas and PNP intelligence Chief Supt. Fernando Mendez. Ex-judge Sen. Miriam Defensor Santiago said so in a hearing where the two admitted to reporting only to the suspended Purisima. They could be accomplices to usurpation (Art. 18), the legal sources stated.
The fiasco also saw the death of 18 MILFs with whom P-Noy has a truce, and four civilians, two of them youngsters. Six hundred families fled homes and farms due to the daylong SAF battle against the MILF and its splinter but blood-tied BIFF. Government peace talks with the MILF are on the verge of collapse. Congress has shelved the BBL that would enlarge and elevate the Muslim autonomous region to a sub-state.
Most damning of testimonies was Purisima’s himself. He admitted to briefing P-Noy on the impending SAF strike on terrorists Marwan and Usman in Mamasapano. The last Malacañang briefing, with Napeñas and Mendez, was Jan. 9. Purpose: final clearance of the SAF raid by Commander-in-Chief P-Noy.
Purisima was then one month into his six-month suspension while under Ombudsman probe for graft. The suspension began Dec. 4 and is to end in June. In joining the briefing, P-Noy conspired with Purisima to usurp the powers of the PNP chief, the sources said.
In his first public statement three nights after the blunder, P-Noy said Purisima oversaw O-Plan Exodus only till he was suspended. Yet in Congress inquiries, Napeñas and Mendez swore that Purisima brought them to the Jan. 9 briefing.
Napeñas expounded that he and Mendez stepped out afterwards, leaving Purisima with P-Noy. Exiting soon after, Purisima “advised” Napeñas to not tell his direct superiors, PNP acting chief Leonardo Espina and Interior Sec. Mar Roxas, about the raid till it was over. Purisima was to inform Armed Forces Gen. Gregorio Catapang.
Napeñas’ late informing of his lawful superiors, and Purisima’s of the AFP took Espina, Roxas, Catapang, and Defense Sec. Voltaire Gazmin by surprise on Jan. 25. The four couldn’t get fast enough the nearest Army infantry and tanks to extricate the SAFs who by dawn had been encircled by the MILF and BIFF.
Purisima and Napeñas bungled the SAF infiltration-exfiltration. Their non-coordination with the MILF, as required by the truce, worsened it. Those resulted from the conspiratorial usurpation, the sources said. With no operational experience in Mindanao, Purisima’s PNP headship drew largely from closeness to P-Noy as personal bodyguard during the Presidency of Cory Aquino.
On Jan. 19 Purisima texted Napeñas for updates, which he then relayed to P-Noy. It was again proof of usurpation, the sources said, with P-Noy “a principal by indispensable consent, if not inducement or active participation” (Art. 17).
After killing Marwan, the SAFs did not expect to have to fight their way out of the MILF-BIFF pincers. Fierce fighting ensued — “pintakasi,” or cockfight free-for-all, as both the Army and Moro rebels call it. 
On that fateful morning Purisima exchanged texts with P-Noy from 5:45 to 8 a.m. about the unfolding events. The first texts were about Marwan’s killing and Usman’s escape. The next few were about firefights with Marwan’s BIFF coddlers. The last was a false assurance by Purisima that Army mechanized and artillery units already were aiding the embattled SAFs. The exchanges showed that P-Noy relied on the suspended PNP chief for operational control, the sources said.
P-Noy cannot invoke the Commander-in-Chief’s option to consult anyone he wishes, the sources said, for it refers only to the lawful. P-Noy can be liable for breaking his constitutional oath to “execute [all] laws” (Art. VII, Sec. 5), they added.
x x x."

Firing an employee for having a child out of wedlock is 'despotic, arbitrary' – SC | News | GMA News Online

See - Firing an employee for having a child out of wedlock is 'despotic, arbitrary' – SC | News | GMA News Online





"x x x.

An employee cannot be fired from work simply because of pre-marital sexual relations or pregnancy out of wedlock, the Supreme Court has ruled.
 
The high tribunal has reversed a 2009 Court of Appeals ruling that upheld the dismissal of Cheryll Santos Leus by the St. Scholastica's College, Westgrove in Cavite for "disgraceful or immoral conduct."

Branding the dismissal as "despotic and arbitrary," the SC said evidence of the case failed to prove Leus's conduct adversely affected the school's integrity in teaching its moral doctrines.
 
Prior to her dismissal as a non-teaching personnel, Leus married the father of her child. 
 
The SC said pre-marital relations between two consenting adults conceiving a child out of wedlock, "gauged from a purely public and secular view of morality," does not amount to a disgraceful or immoral conduct under Section 94 (e) of the 1992 Manual of Regulations for Private Schools.
 
“[T]here is no law which penalizes an unmarried mother by reason of her sexual conduct or proscribes consensual sexual activity between two unmarried persons.... Such conduct is not denounced by public and secular morality," ruled the SC.
 
"It may be an unusual arrangement, but it certainly is not disgraceful or immoral within the contemplation of the law,” it added.

The high tribunal said Leus's conduct could not be considered by law as disgraceful or immoral.
 
“SSCW, as employer, undeniably has the right to discipline its employees and, if need be, dismiss them if there is a valid cause to do so. However, as already explained, there is no cause to dismiss the petitioner," the Court said.
 
The SC said that the SSCW itself, at the time of the controversy, admitted not having a policy or rule against an employee who engages in pre-marital sexual relations and conceives a child as a result thereof. 
 
The Court emphasized that the "morality" contemplated by law pertains to public and secular morality, and not religious morality.
 
"[In] order for a conduct to be considered as disgraceful or immoral, it must be 'detrimental (or dangerous) to those conditions which depend [on] the existence and progress of human society' and not because the conduct is proscribed by the beliefs of one religion or the other," the SC said.
 
The SC said even if Leus's indiscretion was against Catholic Church teachings, prevailing norms of conduct do not consider it as disgraceful or immoral. 
 
The Court held that the right of an employee to security of tenure is constitutionally protected, and a regular employee “may not be dismissed unless for cause under the Labor Code and other laws, in this case, the 1992 MRPS.” — NB/ELR, GMA News."

SC upholds Cudia dismissal | Headlines, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com

See - SC upholds Cudia dismissal | Headlines, News, The Philippine Star | philstar.com





"x x x.

MANILA, Philippines - The Supreme Court (SC) has upheld the dismissal of Cadet 1st Class Aldrin Jeff Cudia from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) in March last year.
Voting unanimously yesterday, the justices of the high court decided to dismiss his petition questioning the dismissal order of the PMA. The Office of the President affirmed the PMA’s decision in June last year.
But the SC ruling won’t matter anymore to Cudia, who has decided to pursue a law degree and abandon his dream of joining the military.
“He can be a very good soldier of the justice system,” running priest Robert Reyes said on behalf of Cudia’s father, Renato, in a press conference at the Public Attorney’s Office. Public Attorney Persida Rueda Acosta represented Cudia in the case.
The SC rejected the petitioner’s claim that his right to due process was violated when the PMA and its Cadet Review and Appeals Board did not allow him to join the graduation of their Siklab Diwa batch last year and ordered his dismissal from the academy for lying.
It stressed that the PMA did not violate petitioner’s rights to due process as the minimum standards of fairness were met.
Headlines ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1
Since it was its first time to rule on PMA’s Honor System and Honor Code, the high tribunal applied American jurisprudence.
“In order to be proper and immune from constitutional infirmity, a cadet who is sought to be dismissed or separated from the academy must be afforded a hearing, be apprised of the specific charges against him, and be given an adequate opportunity to present his or her defense from the point of view of time and the use of witnesses and other evidence,” it stressed.
The SC also upheld the academic freedom of the PMA and its right to enforce its rules on discipline, particularly its Honor Code, on Cudia after he was found lying about why he reported two minutes late for a class.
“The Court has always recognized the right of schools to impose disciplinary sanctions, which include the power to dismiss or expel, on students who violate disciplinary rules,” SC spokesman Theodore Te explained to reporters, quoting the decision penned by Associate Justice Diosdado Peralta that was not immediately released.
“As the primary training and educational institution of the AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines), it certainly has the right to invoke academic freedom in the enforcement of its rules and regulations, which are the Honor Code and the Honor System in particular,” Te said. – With Janvic Mateo.
x x x."

Tuesday, February 24, 2015

E.O. No. 226 - DOCTRINE OF "COMMAND RESPONSIBILITY"

See - E.O. No. 226








EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 226 February 17, 1995

INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE DOCTRINE OF "COMMAND RESPONSIBILITY" IN ALL GOVERNMENT OFFICES, PARTICULARLY AT ALL LEVELS OF COMMAND IN THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL POLICE AND OTHER LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES.

WHEREAS, strict and effective management and control of an organization by the supervisor is critical in ensuring responsive delivery of services by the government, especially in police matters;

WHEREAS, a supervisor/commander is duty-bound and, as such, is expected to closely monitor, supervise, direct, coordinate, and control the overall activities of his subordinates within his area of jurisdiction, and can be held administratively accountable for neglect of duty in taking appropriate action to discipline his men;

WHEREAS, in order to ensure a more effective, sustained, and successful campaign against erring government personnel, it is imperative that the doctrine of "command responsibility" be institutionalized and strictly applied in all government offices and at all levels of command in the PNP and other law enforcement agencies.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, FIDEL V. RAMOS, President of the Republic of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in me by law, do hereby order:

Sec. 1. Neglect of Duty Under the Doctrine of "Command Responsibility". - Any government official or supervisor, or officer of the Philippine National Police or that of any other law enforcement agency shall be held accountable for "Neglect of Duty" under the doctrine of "command responsibility" if he has knowledge that a crime or offense shall be committed, is being committed, or has been committed by his subordinates, or by others within his area of responsibility and, despite such knowledge, he did not take preventive or corrective action either before, during, or immediately after its commission.

Sec. 2. Presumption of Knowledge. - A government official or supervisor, or PNP commander, is presumed to have knowledge of the commission of irregularities or criminal offenses in any of the following circumstances:

a. When the irregularities or illegal acts are widespread within his area of jurisdiction;
b. When the irregularities or illegal acts have been repeatedly or regularly committed within his area of responsibility; or
c. When members of his immediate staff or office personnel are involved.

Sec. 3. Implementing Rules and Regulations. - The National Police Commission (NAPOLCOM) in coordination with the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) and the Civil Service Commission (CSC) shall promulgate the necessary rules and regulations of this Executive Order within thirty (30) days after the issuance thereof.

Sec. 4. Administrative Liability. - Any violation of this Executive Order by any government official, supervisor, officer of the PNP and that of any law enforcement agency shall be held administratively accountable for violation of existing laws, rules and regulations.
Sec. 5. Effectivity. - This Executive Order shall take effect immediately. lawphi1.net



Done in the City of Manila this 17th day of February, in the year of our Lord, nineteen hundred and ninety-five.

Guingona asks De Lima to recognize PNP chain of command | News | GMA News Online

See - Guingona asks De Lima to recognize PNP chain of command | News | GMA News Online





"x x x.

Citing additional documents, Sen. Teofisto Guingona on Tuesday said the Philippine National Police (PNP) also follows the chain of command, as he asked Justice Sec. Leila de Lima to reconsider her position that the said concept is a "military construct."

During the continuation of the Senate hearing on the Jan. 25 Mamasapano clash, Guingona made a manifestation and presented several documents, among them the PNP manual, Executive Order 40 from February 1993, and two Supreme Court cases, all of which supposedly recognize the PNP chain of command.

De Lima said she will look into the cases mentioned by Guingona to find out “if there is discussion about the distinction between the command structure of the AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines) as opposed to the PNP.”

She added that after reviewing Executive Order 226 of 1975, which Guingona asked her to check on Monday, "I would put forward the position that command responsibility and the doctrine of command or superior responsibility are actually two distinct concepts and EO 226 does not necessarily say that the chain of command is present in civilian organizations."

EO 226 is the "institutionalization of the doctrine of 'command responsibility' in all government offices, particularly at all levels of command in the Philippine National Police and other law enforcement agencies."
If chain of command goes for the PNP as well, "it would mean that all civilian offices will have a chain of command structure," De Lima said.

In previous hearings, the Justice secretary said possible liabilities of police officials involved in the Mamasapano incident must be determined using civil service rules and not according to the military law, which is stricter when it comes to the chain of command.

“The concept of chain of command is a military construct. According to Article 6 Section 16 of the Constitution, the PNP is not strictly bound by chain of command. The PNP is considered a civilian agency,” she said. Rose-An Jessica Dioquino/KBK, GMA News.

x x x."

Congress okays credit card protection bill | Manila Bulletin | Latest Breaking News | News Philippines

See - Congress okays credit card protection bill | Manila Bulletin | Latest Breaking News | News Philippines





"x x x.

The House of Representatives last night passed a bill seeking to protect educate credit card holders from reported excesses of card issuers and banks.
Unanimously approved on a vote of 178 with no negative votes, House Bill 5417 and HB 5417—or the proposed Philippine Credit Card Industry Regulation Law—is listed in the legislative priorities of the House leadership.
The measure consolidates at least eight different measures providing for fair competition and fairness in the credit card industry.
Endorsed for plenary approval by the House Committee on Banks and Financial Intermediaries, HB 5417 also makes consumer credit readily available to all Filipinos “under conditions of fair and sound consumer practices.”
Batangas Rep. Nelson Collantes, committee chairman, said the bill also helps to guarantee that appropriate mechanisms are in place to protect and educate credit card holders.
Under the bill the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas is mandated to supervise all credit card issuers and impose rules of conduct and standards of operation while imposing penalties for violation.
HB 5417 also provides for an efficient system for managing risk arising from credit card operations.
Collantes said the bill requires the credit card issuer to be transparent in their computation of all charges and fees while bars them from imposing over-the-limit fees without the consent of the cardholder.
The bill also provides confidentiality of cardholder information and establishes a period within which complaints on billing may be made and a period upon which the card issuer must reply.
x x x."

Saturday, February 7, 2015

Civil and political rights - GR 206666.pdf

See - 206666.pdf





"x x x.

In this jurisdiction, the right to seek public elective office is recognized by law as falling under the whole gamut of civil and political rights.



Section 5 of Republic Act No. 9225,34 otherwise known as the “Citizenship Retention and Reacquisition Act of 2003,” reads as follows:



Section 5. Civil and Political Rights and Liabilities. – Those who retain or reacquire Philippine citizenship under this Act shall enjoy full civil and political rights and be subject to all attendant liabilities and responsibilities under existing laws of the Philippines and the following

conditions:



(1) Those intending to exercise their right of suffrage must meet the requirements under Section 1, Article V of the Constitution, Republic Act No. 9189, otherwise known as “The Overseas Absentee

Voting Act of 2003” and other existing laws;



(2) Those seeking elective public office in the Philippines shall meet the qualifications for holding such public office as required by the Constitution and existing laws and, at the time of the filing of the

certificate of candidacy, make a personal and sworn renunciation of any and all foreign citizenship before any public officer authorized to administer an oath;



(3) Those appointed to any public office shall subscribe and swear an oath of allegiance to the Republic of the Philippines and its duly constituted authorities prior to their assumption of office: Provided, That they renounce their oath of allegiance to the country where they took that

oath;



(4) Those intending to practice their profession in the Philippines shall apply with the proper authority for a license or permit to engage in such practice; and



(5) That right to vote or be elected or appointed to any public office in the Philippines cannot be exercised by, or extended to, those who:



(a) are candidates for or are occupying any public office in the country of which they are naturalized citizens; and/or



(b) are in active service as commissioned or noncommissioned officers in the armed forces of the country which they are naturalized citizens. (Emphases supplied.)



No less than the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which the Philippines is a signatory, acknowledges the existence of said right. Article 25(b) of the Convention states:



Article 25

Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in Article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions:



 x x x x



(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors[.] (Emphasis supplied.)



x x x."

Executive clemency; pardoning power - gr 206666.pdf

See - 206666.pdf





"x x x.

The pardoning power of the President cannot be limited by legislative action.



The 1987 Constitution, specifically Section 19 of Article VII and Section 5 of Article IX-C, provides that the President of the Philippines possesses the power to grant pardons, along with other acts of executive clemency, to wit:



Section 19. Except in cases of impeachment, or as otherwise provided in this Constitution, the President may grant reprieves, commutations, and pardons, and remit fines and forfeitures, after

conviction by final judgment.



He shall also have the power to grant amnesty with the concurrence of a majority of all the Members of the Congress.

x x x x



Section 5. No pardon, amnesty, parole, or suspension of sentence for violation of election laws, rules, and regulations shall be granted by the President without the favorable recommendation of the

Commission.



It is apparent from the foregoing constitutional provisions that the only instances in which the President may not extend pardon remain to be in: 



(1) impeachment cases; (2) cases that have not yet resulted in a final conviction; and (3) cases involving violations of election laws, rules and regulations in which there was no favorable recommendation coming from the COMELEC. Therefore, it can be argued that any act of Congress by way of statute cannot operate to delimit the pardoning power of the President. 



In Cristobal v. Labrador27 and Pelobello v. Palatino,28 which were decided under the 1935 Constitution, wherein the provision granting pardoning power to the President shared similar phraseology with what is found in the present 1987 Constitution, the Court then unequivocally

declared that “subject to the limitations imposed by the Constitution, the pardoning power cannot be restricted or controlled by legislative action.”



The Court reiterated this pronouncement in Monsanto v. Factoran, Jr.29 thereby establishing that, under the present Constitution, “a pardon, being a presidential prerogative, should not be circumscribed by legislative action.”



Thus, it is unmistakably the long-standing position of this Court that the exercise of the pardoning power is discretionary in the President and may not be interfered with by Congress or the Court, except only when it exceeds the limits provided for by the Constitution.



This doctrine of non-diminution or non-impairment of the President’s power of pardon by acts of Congress, specifically through legislation, was strongly adhered to by an overwhelming majority of the framers of the 1987 Constitution when they flatly rejected a proposal to carve out an exception

from the pardoning power of the President in the form of “offenses involving graft and corruption” that would be enumerated and defined by Congress through the enactment of a law. The following is the pertinent portion lifted from the Record of the Commission (Vol. II): x x x.



x x x.:

Disqualified from running for local elective positions - 206666.pdf

See - 206666.pdf





"x x x.

Sec. 40, Local Government Code:



 SECTION 40. Disqualifications. - The following persons are disqualified from running for any elective local position:



(a) Those sentenced by final judgment for an offense involving moral turpitude or for an offense punishable by one (1) year or more of imprisonment, within two (2) years after serving sentence;



(b) Those removed from office as a result of an administrative case;



(c) Those convicted by final judgment for violating the oath of allegiance to the Republic;

(d) Those with dual citizenship;

(e) Fugitives from justice in criminal or nonpolitical cases here or abroad;

(f) Permanent residents in a foreign country or those who have acquired the right to reside abroad and continue to avail of the same right after the effectivity of this Code; and

(g) The insane or feeble minded. (Emphasis supplied.)



Sec. 12, Omnibus Election Code:



Section 12. Disqualifications. - Any person who has been declared by competent authority insane or incompetent, or has been sentenced by final judgment for subversion, insurrection, rebellion, or for any offensefor which he has been sentenced to a penalty of more than eighteen months or for a crime involving moral turpitude, shall be disqualified to be a candidate and to hold any public office, unless he has been given plenary pardon or granted amnesty. (Emphases supplied.)

x xx."

Erap's pardon; full text - 206666.pdf

See - 206666.pdf



Text of GMA's pardon of Erap - 

"On October 25, 2007, however, former President Gloria Macapagal  Arroyo (former President Arroyo) extended executive clemency, by way of  pardon, to former President Estrada. The full text of said pardon states: 


MALACAÑAN PALACE
MANILA

By the President of the Philippines

PARDON

WHEREAS, this Administration has a policy of releasing inmates who  have reached the age of seventy (70), 



WHEREAS, Joseph Ejercito Estrada has been under detention for six and  a half years, 

WHEREAS, Joseph Ejercito Estrada has publicly committed to no longer seek any elective position or office, 

IN VIEW HEREOF and pursuant to the authority conferred upon me by by the Constitution, I hereby grant executive clemency to JOSEPH EJERCITO ESTRADA, convicted by the Sandiganbayan of Plunder and imposed a penalty of Reclusion Perpetua. He is hereby restored to his
civil and political rights. 


The forfeitures imposed by the Sandiganbayan remain in force and in full, including all writs and processes issued by the Sandiganbayan in pursuance hereof, except for the bank account(s) he owned before his tenure as President. 

Upon acceptance of this pardon by JOSEPH EJERCITO ESTRADA, this pardon shall take effect. "